Petaluma Ranching (Petaluma Ganadería)

(Spanish translation provided by the Petaluma Historical Library & Museum)

The settlers arriving in Petaluma in the 1850s were gamblers, speculators, and adventurers. Restless and ambitious, they saw themselves as pioneers starting anew. A small number of them had struck it rich in the gold fields, either from mining ore or “mining the miners” through selling them goods and services, but most came away from the Gold Rush empty-handed. Still itching with gold fever, a number of them turned to working the land, and soon discovered that gold was the smallest part of California’s abundant storehouse.

Los colonos que llegaron a Petaluma en la década de 1850 eran jugadores, especuladores y aventureros. Inquietos y ambiciosos, se vieron a sí mismos como pioneros que comenzaban de nuevo. Un pequeño número de ellos se había hecho rico en los campos de oro, ya sea por la extracción de minerales o por “la extracción de los mineros” a través de vendiéndoles bienes y servicios, pero la mayoría salió de la fiebre del oro con las manos vacías. Todavía picazón con fiebre del oro, algunos de ellos se dedicaron a trabajar la tierra, y pronto descubrieron que el oro era la parte más pequeña del abundante almacén de California.

The Petaluma Valley appeared to them a beautiful, uninhabited wilderness, its marshes and creeks thick with waterfowl and fish, its coastal prairie tall with wild oats, its woodlands abounding with elk, quail, grizzly bears, deer, and antelope. The indigenous natives were decimated by a smallpox epidemic in 1838, the herds of longhorn cattle and sheep, introduced by Mexican colonists in the 1830s for the export trade with Europe and New England of hides, tallow, and wool, had been rounded up during the Gold Rush and fed to miners.

El valle de Petaluma les pareció un hermoso desierto deshabitado, sus marismas y arroyos llenos de aves acuáticas y peces, su pradera costera llena de avena silvestre, sus bosques abundando en alces, codornices, osos pardos, ciervos y antílopes. Los nativos indígenas fueron diezmados por una epidemia de viruela en 1838, los rebaños de ganado bovino y ovino de cuernos largos, introducidos por Colonos mexicanos en la década de 1830 para el comercio de exportación con Europa y Nueva Inglaterra de cueros, el sebo y la lana habían sido reunidos durante la Fiebre del Oro y alimentados a los mineros.

Within two years of gold’s discovery in 1848, California’s nonindigenous population exploded from 10,000 to 200,000. San Francisco, the new state’s main port of entry, became one of the busiest commercial centers in America. Feeding its burgeoning masses became paramount. The Petaluma River, a saltwater tidal slough meandering north into the Petaluma Valley from San Pablo Bay, found itself transformed into one of the city’s main supply channels.

Dos años después del descubrimiento del oro en 1848, la población no indígena de California se disparó de 10.000 a 200.000. San Francisco, el principal puerto de entrada del nuevo estado, se convirtió en uno de los centros comerciales más concurridos de América. Alimentar a sus crecientes masas se convirtió en algo primordial. La Río Petaluma, un pantano de agua salada que serpentea hacia el norte en el valle de Petaluma desde San Pablo Bay, se transformó en uno de los principales canales de abastecimiento de la ciudad.

The profusion of wild game and fowl in the valley was the first to go. Meat hunters established a trading post at an abandoned Miwok village along the river that became the genesis of Petaluma. The new settlers then set about reordering the valley to their ranching needs, rechanneling the creeks, reclaiming the wetlands, plowing the fields, and planting extensive crop systems of imported vegetables, fruit, and grain. They brought in new herds of cattle and sheep, turning them loose on the meadows and hills where they devoured the native perennial grasses, allowing settlers to reseed the entire valley with Mediterranean annual grasses better suited to heavy grazing.

La profusión de animales de caza y aves de corral en el valle fue la primera en desaparecer. Los cazadores de carne establecieron una puesto comercial en una aldea Miwok abandonada a lo largo del río que se convirtió en la génesis de Petaluma. Luego, los nuevos colonos se dispusieron a reordenar el valle según sus necesidades ganaderas, reorientando el arroyos, recuperando los humedales, arando los campos y plantando extensos sistemas de cultivos de hortalizas, frutas y cereales importados. Trajeron nuevos rebaños de ganado y ovejas, convirtiendo soltaron en los prados y colinas donde devoraron las hierbas perennes nativas, permitiendo colonos para resembrar todo el valle con pastos anuales mediterráneos más adecuados para pasto.

By the mid-1850s, the Petaluma River was filled with scow schooners, sloops, and steamers transporting cargo and passengers to and from San Francisco. Easy access to the city’s international ports set off a wave of volatile boom-and-bust cycles in Petaluma, beginning with a potato boom in 1850, during which fortunes were made and quickly lost due to soil erosion and overproduction—a common agricultural theme, despite every rancher’s effort to diversify.

A mediados de la década de 1850, el río Petaluma estaba lleno de goletas, balandras y vapores. transporte de carga y pasajeros hacia y desde San Francisco. Fácil acceso a la ciudad los puertos internacionales desencadenaron una ola de ciclos volátiles de auge y caída en Petaluma, comenzando con un auge de la papa en 1850, durante el cual se hicieron fortunas y se perdieron rápidamente debido a la erosión del suelo y sobreproducción, un tema agrícola común, a pesar del esfuerzo de cada ganadero por diversificarse.

The monocrop phenomenon continued with California’s wheat boom in the late 1850s, beginning with exports to Australia and New Zealand, and then, when the Civil War disrupted Midwest wheat production, with exports to Europe, transforming Petaluma into a bustling international river port. Sonoma County’s non-native population, which stood at 560 in 1850, grew to almost 12,000 by 1860, cultivating 750 ranches of more than 200,000 consolidated acres. Almost a quarter of the population resided in the Petaluma Valley.

El fenómeno de los monocultivos continuó con el auge del trigo de California a fines de la década de 1850, comenzando con las exportaciones a Australia y Nueva Zelanda, y luego, cuando la Guerra Civil interrumpió la producción de trigo del Medio Oeste, con exportaciones a Europa, transforma a Petaluma en un bullicioso puerto fluvial internacional. La población no nativa del condado de Sonoma, que era de 560 en 1850, creció a casi 12.000 en 1860, cultivando 750 ranchos de más de 200.000 acres consolidados. Casi una cuarta parte de la población residía en el Valle de Petaluma.

The town’s pioneer days officially ended in 1870 with the introduction of the San Francisco & Northern Pacific Railroad, which bypassed Petaluma in favor of a new river terminus near Lakeville called Donahue, putting an end to the town’s shipping monopoly and making Santa Rosa the county’s new agricultural hub. As a result, Petaluma’s economy began to stagnate. In the 1870s and ’80s, a declining wheat market, undermined by a recession, international competition, and local soil depletion, forced farmers to convert their land to cattle, sheep, and dairy ranches.

Los días pioneros de la ciudad terminaron oficialmente en 1870 con la introducción del San Francisco & Northern Pacific Railroad, que pasó por alto Petaluma en favor de una nueva terminal fluvial cerca Lakeville llamó a Donahue, poniendo fin al monopolio de envío de la ciudad y haciendo que Santa Rosa el nuevo centro agrícola del condado. Como resultado, la economía de Petaluma comenzó a estancarse. En las décadas de 1870 y 80, un mercado de trigo en declive, socavado por una recesión, competencia y el agotamiento del suelo local, obligaron a los agricultores a convertir sus tierras en ganado vacuno, ovino y ranchos lecheros.

Beginning in the 1890s, Petaluma embraced an egg boom spawned by the local inventions of both an efficient egg incubator and an industrialized method of chicken ranching. Along with the valley’s growing dairy industry, the boom elevated Petaluma to unprecedented heights of prosperity in the 1910s and 1920s. The Great Depression of the 1930s, followed by a shift to large factory farms in the Central Valley following World War II, dealt a lethal blow to Petaluma’s chicken and dairy ranches.

A partir de la década de 1890, Petaluma abrazó un boom de huevos generado por las invenciones locales de tanto una incubadora de huevos eficiente como un método industrializado de cría de pollos. Junto con creciente industria láctea del valle, el auge elevó a Petaluma a alturas sin precedentes de prosperidad en las décadas de 1910 y 1920. La Gran Depresión de la década de 1930, seguida de un cambio a grandes granjas industriales en el Valle Central después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, asestó un golpe letal a los ranchos de pollo y lácteos de Petaluma.

In the 1970s, as a boom in suburban tract housing began encroaching on ranches, Petaluma imposed growth limits and a greenbelt around the city to help preserve local agriculture. Equestrian ranches and Sonoma County’s new monocrop, grape vineyards, gradually began replacing many dairy ranches. In 1998, Petaluma voters passed a 20-year urban growth boundary to further protect the ranchlands.

En la década de 1970, cuando un boom de viviendas en zonas suburbanas comenzó a invadir los ranchos, Petaluma impuso límites de crecimiento y un cinturón verde alrededor de la ciudad para ayudar a preservar la agricultura local. Los ranchos ecuestres y el nuevo monocultivo del condado de Sonoma, viñedos de uva, comenzaron gradualmente reemplazando muchos ranchos lecheros. En 1998, los votantes de Petaluma aprobaron un crecimiento urbano de 20 años límite para proteger aún más los ranchos.

In the early 21st century, the remaining ranches, many operated by descendants of earlier settlers, began diversifying with niche products that commanded premium prices in the market, including organic milk, artisan cheeses, organic vegetables, pasture-raised beef and lamb, and cannabis.

A principios del siglo XXI, los ranchos restantes, muchos operados por descendientes de colonos anteriores, comenzaron a diversificarse con productos de nicho que tenían precios superiores en el mercado, que incluían leche orgánica, quesos artesanales, vegetales orgánicos, carne de res y cordero criados en pastos y cannabis.

Penngrove’s Harum Scarum Argonaut

David Wharff’s Gold Rush Odyssey

Illustration of the David Wharff Ranch, Penngrove, current site of the Green Mill (from Thos. Thompson’s Historical Atlas of Sonoma County, 1877)

In August 1849, shortly after arriving in Sacramento from a six-month voyage around Cape Horn, David Wharff watched as a man in a gambling hall walked up to a faro table and casually placed $10,000 in gold nuggets ($315,000 in today’s currency) on the queen of spades. A game of chance, faro was more popular than poker in gold country because the odds were better.

As a crowd of awed onlookers gathered around the table, the faro dealer made nine consecutive draws from a deck of cards, with each draw turning one card over for himself and another for the gambler. On the tenth draw, as a matching queen card fell to the gambler’s side of the table, the crowd erupted with a roar. The gambler, a local merchant named Sam Brannan, pocketed his winnings, bought drinks for the house, and strolled out into the night.

Sam Brannan (photo courtesy of Utah Historical Society)

For Brannan, the wager may have seemed like small change, but to Wharff and the other Forty-niners in the hall it captured the high stakes gamble they had undertaken, deserting their families, jobs, and farms to sail around the world or trek across the country to California with hopes of hitting the jackpot. Brannan was among those who made a fortune enabling their California dream.

In 1848, while working in his dry goods store in Sacramento, then called Sutter’s Fort, Brannan sold some goods to a group of men who paid in gold nuggets. They had discovered the nuggets while constructing a sawmill for John Sutter along the South Fork of the American River.

With foresight, Brannan quickly converted his store into a mining supply center, the only one between San Francisco and the Sierra foothills. By 1849, 50,000 gold seekers had descended upon the area, and Brannan’s store was generating $150,000 a month in sales (almost $4.7 million in today’s currency), making him California’s first millionaire.

Illustration of Sam Brannan’s store at Sutter’s Fort, 1848 (photo Gutenberg Project)

But while Brannan and others made fortunes selling goods and services—one prostitute claimed to have made $50,000 ($1.5 million in today’s currency) after a year’s work—the majority of the Forty-n­iners came away from the gold fields empty handed, left to retreat back to the lives they discarded or, like David Wharff, redirect their California dream to a new wager with better odds, like farming.

Born into a colonial family in Gloucester, Massachusetts, Wharff inherited the stern demeanor of his Protestant ancestors, as well as a close attention to the value of a dollar. After finishing grammar school, he moved to Boston at age 14 to apprentice as a carpenter. By the time he turned 20, he was earning a journeyman’s wage of $1.25 a day ($40 in today’s currency), not enough to marry and settle down with the girl of his dreams, Olive Densmore from Nova Scotia. When word reached Boston of a gold strike in California, it resounded like a shot across the bow for frustrated men like Wharff.

Ad for Clipper Ship to Gold Rush (photo in the public domain)

Unable to afford a ticket on a first class clipper ship, Wharff and six of his friends pooled their money to book passage on a small, battered brig, the Christiana, departing Boston on February 15, 1849, among a flotilla of more than 500 vessels leaving eastern ports, packed with “Argonauts”—named for the band of heroes in Greek mythology who accompanied Jason on a sea quest for the golden fleece—undertaking the 15,000-mile voyage around Cape Horn to San Francisco and the golden state.

Wharff and the other nine passengers on the Christiana passed their time gambling, playing checkers, smoking, drinking, telling stories, and daydreaming of how to spend their gold. After subsiding for two months on salted meat that went bad, butter and lard that turned rancid, hard bread that became laced with bugs, and cheese nibbled on by rats, they put in for ten days just south of Rio de Janeiro for fresh water, provisions, and new sails.

“We could buy oranges, $1 a thousand; wine, 10 cents a gallon,” Wharff wrote.

Then came the most perilous leg of the journey, rounding Cape Horn. After 55 days braving monstrous waves, terrifying winds, and frigid temperatures, the ship docked at Valparaiso, Chile, where Wharff and his friends spent five days ashore watching Spaniards bet stacks of gold doubloons on horse races, further fueling their desire to reach California.

Valparaiso, Chile, 1850 (photo in public domain)

Finally, on the morning of August 16, 1849, six months after leaving Boston, the Christiana sailed through the Golden Gate alongside twenty other windjammers. The crew deserted the moment the ship docked. During the two days it took the captain to find replacements, Wharff and his friends took in the night life of the mushrooming metropolis, more than 500 bars and 1,000 gambling dens.

San Francisco, 1851 (photo Library of Congress)

At establishments like the Parker House or the El Dorado, women dealt the cards, brass bands or banjo musicians performed, and gold nuggets sat piled high on the gambling tables. They could eat at places like the Fly Trap or Monkey Warner’s Cobweb Palace, which was decorated with whales’ teeth. After six months of boredom cooped up in close quarters at sea, it was like entering a carnival.

From San Francisco, a pilot boat guided the Christiana up the river to their final destination, Sacramento. By the time Wharff stepped off the boat, he was down to his last 25 cents. Spotting a house under construction near the wharf, he approached the foreman, who, after learning he was a carpenter, hired him on the spot for $20 a day.

Sacramento waterfront, 1850s (photo courtesy of Bancroft Library Collection)

Wharff and his Boston friends formed a company to share in the collective spoils of their gold diggings, purchasing an empty lot in Sacramento for $10 upon which to erect a small, prefabricated house they had brought with them on the Christina, to serve as company headquarters. However, within a couple of weeks of watching Forty-niners return to town with $3,000-$4,000 in gold dust ($95,000 to $125,000 in today’s currency), the collective fell apart, as each man set off on his own for the foothills.

After Wharff earned $300 ($9,500 in today’s currency) working 15 days as a carpenter, he paid a driver with an ox team $80 ($2,500 in today’s currency) to haul him, his equipment and provisions up to Weaver Creek in El Dorado County, where he quickly learned squeezing gold out of rocks was harder work than he imagined. Not only were living conditions primitive and costs high, the work itself—digging, pickaxing, shoveling, clawing, scraping, shifting, and panning—was tedious, with little success. The first piece of gold he found was the size of a pin head.

Prospectors working gold placer, 1850 (photo in public domain)

Teaming up with three other men, Wharff moved on to the South Fork of the American River, where they built a cofferdam of sandbags to divert the water around a small stretch of river bottom. For two days they risked their lives in ice cold water from the snow pack, blocked by a sandbag wall teetering on the verge of collapse, to extract $800 of gold nuggets ($25,000 in today’s currency), which they divided up and then went their separate ways. Wharff traveled to Marysville to pan for gold, and then to Shasta County, where he joined 16 other men on a mining crew.

Finally, after more than two years working the riverbeds and mines, Wharff decided to call it quits. He had witnessed his fair share of casualties, men broken by exhaustion and fatigue, as well as those whose lives were taken by disease, murders, fights, and mining accidents. He returned to San Francisco with a full belt of gold dust strapped to his waist, not enough to make him a wealthy man, but enough to stake a claim in starting a new life. For Wharff, that meant returning to Boston to claim the hand of his sweetheart.

On December 15, 1851, he purchased a $200 ticket ($6,200 in today’s currency) aboard a steamer of 650 passengers departing San Francisco for New York via Nicaragua. The overland route across Nicaragua, similar to the route across the Isthmus of Panama, trimmed 8,000 miles and five months of travel time off the voyage around Cape Horn. The tradeoff was a risk of contracting a deadly tropical disease, such as malaria, yellow fever, or cholera.

1849 ad for Nicaragua route on California Steam Navigation Company (photo in public domain)

After sailing to the port of San Juan del Sur on Nicaragua’s west coast, Wharff and the other passengers were greeted by a long line of mules waiting to take them on an 11-mile trail to Lake Nicaragua. At night they slept on elevated wooden benches to protect them from poisonous centipedes on the ground.

Nicaragua route of the California Steam Navigation Company (map in the public domain)

In the morning, they rode a ferry across the lake, disembarking to walk around a set of rapids down to the San Juan River, where they boarded steamers on a 100-mile river journey through dense forests of mangrove trees, dazzling tropical flowers, and exotic animals such as crocodiles, parrots, and jaguars. At the port of Greytown on the Caribbean coast, they transferred to a steamer bound for New York, arriving on January 15, 1852, only one month after leaving San Francisco.

Wharff, bewhiskered and in rough miner’s garb, was unrecognizable to his family when he showed up in Boston. Only his voice was familiar. After shaving and donning a new suit of clothes, he called on the girl he’d left behind.

Illustration of David Wharff, 1852 (courtesy of Sacramento Bee)

But after two and half years in California, Boston felt tired and slow. Carpenters were still working for $1.25 a day compared to the $20 he was able to earn in Sacramento. Within a few days, he was ready to return to the gold fields. His older sister Mary Jane stepped in, agreeing to go with him, but only on the condition he marry Olive and bring her with them.

Court Street in Boston, 1850 (photo in public domain)

The couple wed on February 19, 1852 and, along with Mary Jane, departed for California on March 1st. The steamers using the Nicaragua and Isthmus of Panama routes were booked through mid-summer, so Wharff paid $900 ($28,500 in today’s currency) for three tickets aboard the Sam Appleton, a large windjammer sailing around the Horn.

A windjammer sailing to San Francisco, 1850s (photo in the public domain)

The ship made only one stop in Valparaiso and arrived in San Francisco on July 22nd. Sailing on to Sacramento, Wharff took the two women to the company house he and his Boston friends built. Only one of the of men was there, the rest were working in the mines.

“My wife and sister,” wrote Wharff, “thought it was a hard-looking place. I had never seen a broom in the house since we put it up in ’49, so you can judge how clean it was.”

Sacramento was experiencing a heat wave so hot the women refused to accompany Wharff to the diggings. Instead, he had to content himself with carpentry work around town, even though the day rate had dropped to $12. That may have been for the best.

By 1852, an estimated 250,000 people had flooded into California, making for the largest migration in U.S. history. With most surface deposits exhausted, the days of the miner with a pick, shovel, and wash pan were ending, replaced by well-capitalized mining companies operating with deep power drills and hydraulic water jets that blasted away mountainsides.

California hydraulic mining, 1850s (photo miningartifacts.org)

Mary Jane and Olive prevailed on Wharff to move them out of the company house into a nearby rental, while he built a new house on the same lot. No sooner had he finished than a fire (later known as the Great Conflagration) swept through Sacramento on November 2, 1852, burning down more than 80 percent of the city’s structures.

A wind-blown ember set fire to the floor joists of the new house, but two men passing by— Sacramento merchants Leland Stanford and Collis P. Huntington, who a decade later would team up with Mark Hopkins and Charles Crocker to form the Central Pacific Railroad as “the Big Four”—extinguished the blaze, saving the house.

Collis P. Huntington, 1860 (photo courtesy of Huntington Library), and Leland Stanford, 184 ( photo courtesy of Stanford Archives)

The following morning, a merchant approached Wharff with an offer to buy his house and move it down the street. Having spent $300 to construct it, he sold the house and some furniture in it for $2,200 ($70,000 in today’s currency). He and Olive, who was four months pregnant with their first child, promptly boarded a steamer for San Francisco, where they rented a small house on Washington Street. Mary Jane, who was making a good living as a dressmaker, stayed behind in Sacramento, where she soon married Frank Green, a Forty-niner from Boston.

After four months in San Francisco, Wharff ran into a Boston man who had returned from the east coast with three large bundles of fruit trees. Having earlier purchased land in Sonoma County, he asked Wharff to accompany him there to help construct the floor and doors of a wall tent he was planning to install as temporary living quarters. Ever adventurous, Wharff boarded a small schooner with the man and sailed up a winding creek to Petaluma.

Established as a trading post two years earlier by meat hunters shipping game down to San Francisco, by early 1853 Petaluma consisted of two hotels, roughly 50 houses, a dry goods store, and a potato warehouse. As Sonoma County’s main shipping port, it found itself at the center of the area’s first agricultural boom—potatoes.

First introduced by an Irish immigrant named John Keyes out at Bodega Head in 1850, potato farming was well-suited to the area’s coastal climate. Quick to grow, easy to transport and store without refrigeration, potatoes became a staple for the burgeoning population of San Francisco.

The Cash Store in Bloomfield, 1850s (photo Sonoma County Library)

Farmers hauled wagonloads of their spuds into Petaluma via Potato Street (renamed Prospect Street in the 1860s), storing them at the warehouse until they could be loaded onto “potato boats” bound for the city. Each planted acre of potatoes generated $1,200 annually ($37,000 in today’s currency). For disappointed Argonauts like Wharff, those seemed like better odds than panning for gold.

After disembarking in Petaluma, Wharff and his friend stayed overnight at the American Hotel on Main Street (site of today’s Putnam Plaza). The hotel’s proprietor, George Williams, a Forty-Niner from Maine and the father-in-law of future Petaluma grain merchant John McNear, also operated a freight service with a wagon and three oxen. In the morning, for $10 ($300 in today’s currency), he hauled the wall tent and lumber out to the new farm six miles north of town.

Illustration of the American Hotel and Wells Fargo Express office, Main Street, Petaluma, 1850s (photo Sonoma County Library)

At the time, there were only two other settlers on the 16-mile stretch between Petaluma and Santa Rosa, Tom Hopper and Almer Clark. Hopper would go on to become one of the wealthiest landowners in the county, and Clark would soon open a popular stagecoach stop, the Valley House along Petaluma Hill Road. Along the way, Williams pointed out to Wharff 160 acres of land for sale in what is today downtown Penngrove.

“I thought I had hit a gold mine,” Wharff wrote.

After helping his friend construct the wall tent, Wharff hurried back to Petaluma to purchase his new farm before sailing back to San Francisco to share the news with Olive, who, during his absence, had given birth on March 31st to a baby daughter, Mary.

David and Olive Wharff (photos courtesy of Lee Torliatt)

Anxious to get his potato crop in, Wharff sailed back to Petaluma with lumber and a wall tent, as well as six dozen laying hens he purchased from a Frenchman in the Presidio for $225 ($7,100 in today’s currency).

George Williams hauled everything out to the new farm, where Wharff built a chicken coop directly onto the tent, to protect his valuable hens from preying coyotes. Returning to San Francisco for Olive and Mary, he once again hired Williams to transport them and their worldly possessions to the farm. As the made their way through the deserted valley, Olive nervously asked where exactly they were going.

“Home,” Wharff said.

After setting up Olive and the baby in the tent, Wharff traveled to Tomales, then a booming shipping port, where he purchased two tons of seed potatoes from Henry McCleave for $400 ($12,000 in today’s currency). That summer, while waiting for the potato crop to come in, the Wharffs made money by selling their eggs in town for $1.50 a dozen ($47 in today’s currency), becoming the first poultry producers in the area.

Illustration of Tomales, 1850s, by Richard Shell (photo Sonoma County Library)

What Olive made of life on the farm, her husband didn’t say, except to note there were only three other women living in Petaluma at the time, and that Olive went for six months without seeing the face of another white woman.

In September 1853, a month before the fall potato harvest, one of Wharff’s neighbors, upset his potato patch was being trampled by grazing cattle from the nearby ranch of Tom Hopper, set fire to the dry grasses on his property. As the wind came up, the fire quickly extended across the valley, and by evening had burned over to the top of Sonoma Mountain. Having earlier cleared the grasses and wild oats from around his tent home and potato patch, Wharff was spared any damage.

The following month, he harvested his potatoes, bagging them in sacks he purchased for $16 per 100, and hauled them to Petaluma’s potato warehouse, to eventually be loaded aboard “potato boats” bound for San Francisco. Unfortunately, the potato buyer at the warehouse had bad news—the market had crashed due to an overabundance of spuds that fall. He advised him to store his 20 tons of potatoes at the warehouse for $200 ($6,300 in today’s currency) until early spring, when prices would hopefully rebound.

By February, as it became clear that the boom was over, a victim of overplanting, soil erosion, and increased competition, the manager of the warehouse asked Wharff to remove his potatoes which were beginning to sprout. Wharff told him to move them himself, which he did, dumping them in the Petaluma Creek.

Disappointed, Wharff sold his ranch for $200 to a man named Brad Baily, and sailed with his family back to San Francisco, where he built a new house on the corner of Pacific and Leavenworth streets.

San Francisco’s Montgomery Street, 1850 (photo in the public domain)

After less than a year in the city however, Wharff was lured back to Sonoma County by the idea of starting a cattle ranch with his new brother-in-law Frank Green. A former neighbor told him 160 acres were for sale adjacent to Wharff’s former potato farm. Wharff paid the owner, Tet Carpenter, $200 for the property, which came with a small two-room house.

Back in San Francisco, he purchased twelve head of cattle from a rancher near the Mission Dolores for $480 ($14,000 in today’s currency), herding them aboard a new steamer Charles Minturn, the Ferryboat King of San Francisco Bay, had recently installed on the Petaluma Creek to Haystack Landing just south of Petaluma.

Ferryboat King Charles Minturn standing in front of his paddle steamer, E.Corning, on San Francisco docks, early 1850s (photo Sonoma County Library)

Wharff wrote he thought the ranch land was in the public domain, allowing him and Green to purchase it without a deed. That belief was rooted in the Preemption Act of 1841, which allowed settlers to purchase from the federal government up to 160 acres of any land in the public domain, assuming they had either lived on it for at least 14 months or made improvements to it for five years. In either case, it wasn’t necessary for a settler to hold actual title to the land while establishing homesteading rights.

California, however, presented a problem for aspiring homesteaders, as most of the desirable farming land was held in Mexican land grants, ownership of which was legally protected by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848 that ended the Mexican-American War. For squatters like Wharff and Green, that would soon become a rude awakening.

The average Mexican land grant measured 17,000 acres. Owners with clear title, like General Mariano Vallejo, whose 66,000-acre grant extended from the east side of the Petaluma Creek all the way to the town of Sonoma, spent the 1850s selling off parcels of their land holdings to newly arriving American settlers. But a number of the land grant had changed hands so many times since the Mexican-American war that their legal trails were cloudy, with competing or even fraudulent claims.

Map of Marin and Southern Sonoma Land Grants, 1860 (excerpted from Map of the Country 40 Miles Around San Francisco by Lelander Ransom, courtesy of BLR Antique Maps)

In response, California created a land commission to review the legal status of the state’s 813 land grants. The reviews, which ran from 1852 until 1856, ultimately confirmed 514 of the 813 claims filed. Almost all of land commission’s decisions were appealed in the courts, creating a bureaucratic quagmire that added to the uncertainty and confusion of grant ownership, opening the door to speculators and land sharks.

Prospective settlers were faced with two choices: either purchase land from a claimant whose claim might be challenged and reversed by the land commission or courts in years to come, or else squat on the land illegally, hoping the land commission would eventually void the claim, placing the land in the public domain for purchase under the Preemption Act.

The extent to which Wharff and Green made this “pre-empt” squatter’s gamble is unknown. Although their land purchase was not recorded with the county, tax records indicate that in 1855 they paid state and county property taxes. By that time, the land commission had already ruled on the claim of the Rancho Cotate land grant they were squatting on.

Totaling 17,000 acres, Rancho Cotate had been originally granted in 1844 to Captain Juan Castenada, a secretary of Mariano Vallejo. At the outbreak of the Mexican-American War in 1846, Castenada sold the grant to Thomas Larkin, the U.S. Consul to Mexico’s Alta California. In 1849, Larkin sold it to an American trader, Joseph S. Ruckle, who held it for only two months before selling it to Dr. Thomas S. Page, an expatriate American physician practicing in Valparaiso, Chile.

Map of Rancho Cotate and adjacent land grants, 1877 (from Thos. Thompson’s Historical Atlas of Sonoma County)

Page remained in Chile after the purchase, making him an absentee landlord and subjecting his land grant, which would one day encompass Cotati, Rohnert Park and Penngrove, to illegal squatters, including Wharff and Green. In 1852, he filed his claim with the new land commission. The claim was approved in August 1854, around the same time Wharff and Green purchased their land from the squatter Carpenter. As with most land grants, the land commission’s ruling was immediately appealed, leaving the land in legal limbo until the courts dismissed the appeal in March, 1857.

As one last formality, a survey of the land was scheduled to be undertaken in August 1857 before Dr. Page could assert his claim. What happened next illustrates the gambling mentality of former gold miners at the time.

Before the surveyors arrived, Wharff and Green sold their 160 acres to a man for $500 ($14,000 in today’s currency) and squatted on an adjacent 161-acre parcel. Whether or not they were looking to make a quick profit is unknown.

Dr. Thomas S. Page, Cotati, 1870 (photo Sonoma County Library)

In February 1858, after a patent was issued to Dr. Page, giving him clear and legal title to Rancho Cotate, he began immediately selling off 160-acre parcels to settlers, beginning with the squatters already in place. The settler who purchased the Wharff and Green ranch the year before for $500 paid Page $1,800 ($50,000 in today’s currency) to obtain legal deed to the property, bringing his total outlay for the land to $2,300 ($70,000 in today’s currency).

Wharff and Green purchased the 161 acres they had recently squatted on from Page for $1,610 ($45,000 in today’s currency). A short while later, they also bought back their former ranch from the man they sold it to, paying him $2,500 ($75,000 in today’s currency).

1858 Land Sale by Thomas S. Page to David Wharff (Sonoma County Deed Records, LDS Family Search Database)

The escalating land values had to do with a flood of new settlers to the area in the late 1850s. By 1860, Sonoma County had 12,000 residents, most of them farmers, living on 756 farms, with more than 200,000 acres under cultivation. The primary driver of that expansion was the California wheat boom.

Wheat schooner sailing down the Petlauma River (photo Sonoma County Library)

After the Crimean War cut off Russian wheat exports in the 1850s, Australia and New Zealand turned to California for wheat supplies, setting off a minor boom. The boom went into overdrive in the 1860s, following the disruption of Midwest wheat exports to Europe during the Civil War. By 1867, 80 percent of the wheat grown in Sonoma County was being shipped around the Horn to Europe’s central grain market in Liverpool, England, making Petaluma not only a thriving river town, but also an international shipping port.

In addition to riding the wheat boom, on their two ranches Wharf and Green also raised barley and oats, and annually produced 600 pounds of butter, 100 tons of hay, 400 pounds of honey, along with poultry and cattle. A tobacco chewer, Wharff was known for nailing the lids of his Star Tobacco tins to his barn, which was covered in them.

In 1871, Mary Jane and Frank Green decided to move to San Francisco. Wharff and Green sold the 161-acre ranch they had been living on, the one they purchased together directly from Page, to James and Lydia Goodwin, owners of a furniture store in San Francisco, who operated it as a second residence. They retained their original ranch, which was located along Old Redwood Highway near where the Green Mill Inn was erected in 1932.

1877 map of Penn’s Grove, Wharff and Goodwin ranches upper left (map from Thos. Thompson’s Historical Atlas of Sonoma County)

In the mid-1870s, the California wheat market began to decline due to an international recession and increasing competition from the Midwest. Like many of his neighbors, Wharff shifted to planting apples and grapes as part of a new fruit boom.

Olive and David Wharff, circa 1910 (photos courtesy of Penngrove Proud)

After the restless Argonaut odyssey of his twenties, Wharff ultimately found his golden fleece in Penngrove, settling with Olive for 55 years on the same ranch, where they raised seven children. Only three of whom survived beyond childhood, the others falling victim to diphtheria and scarlet fever. They were surrounded by family, as two of Olive’s brothers, George and John Densmore from Nova Scotia, joined them to settle in the area, and Mary and Frank Green eventually moved back to Penngrove in 1893, as the area began to experience a new egg boom, filling the countryside with chicken houses.

Wharff house built circa 1858 on ranch sold to the Goodwins in 1871. The house was moved in 1902 from where it had resided at 2368 Goodwin Avenue, to 1291 Elysian Road in Penngrove, where it sits today (photo courtesy of Chuck Lucas)

In 1905, the Wharffs leased their ranch and farmhouse to a neighbor, Antone Ronsheimer, who with his half-brother John Formschlag had purchased in 1865 the farm in downtown Penngrove where Wharff first grew potatoes in 1853. The Wharffs built a small cottage on the ranch for themselves and lived there until 1909, when they left Penngrove to live with their daughter Belinda Hoadley in San Francisco’s Mission District. Olive died there in 1913 at age 85, and David in 1918 at age 89.

By that time, swaggering, opportunistic Argonauts like Wharff had been recast in local lore as Pioneers, a little flamboyant perhaps, but always purposeful in channeling the wild exploitations of the Gold Rush into building California. Wharff’s daughter Belinda maintained that her father was not the adventurous, “harum scarum” type of Argonaut, but a quiet family man of tenacious courage, whose feet, like thousands of others who tilled the land, were firmly placed on the soil.

She clearly hadn’t seen him in his youth.

*****

Thanks to Lee Torliatt, Chuck Lucas, Katherine Rinehart, and Rich Wharff for their research assistance.

SOURCES:

Newspapers & Magazines

Petaluma Argus: “Personal and Social,” May 5, 1883; “A Bit of Penngrove History,” November 28, 1901; “Has Read the Argus for Over Fifty Years,” March 31, 1906; “The Death of Mrs. F. B. Green,” February 5, 1909; “Celebrated 57th Wedding Anniversary,” February 20, 1909; “Celebrate Sixtieth Anniversary of Their Marriage Tuesday,” February 20, 1912; “David Wharff Passes Away,” September 16, 1918.

Petaluma Courier: “Their Golden Anniversary,” February 20, 1902; “Celebrate Anniversary,” February 18, 1909; “Ancient Land History,” November 30, 1912; “Mrs. O. Wharff Enters Rest,” April 20, 1913; “Frank B. Green, Penngrove Pioneer, Found Dead in Kitchen at Country Home,” November 9, 1913.

Sacramento Bee: Harry P. Bagley, “From Sedate Boston to the Wild Gold Country of California,” September 12, 1942.

Sacramento Daily Union: “From the South (Page’s deed),” October 4, 1852.

Santa Rosa Press Democrat: “A Pioneer Woman of Petaluma Dead,” April 20, 1913.

Scientific American, “Agriculture in California,” November 27, 1852 (price of potatoes). https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/agriculture-in-california/

Sonoma Democrat: “Patents Received in Sonoma (Page grant),” April 1, 1858.

Books, Journals, Websites, Other

Paul Bailey, Sam Brannan and the California Mormons (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1943), p. 124.

Christopher Warren Haskins, The Argonauts of California, Being the Reminiscences of Scenes and Incidents that Occurred in California in Early Mining Days (New York: Fords, Howard & Hulbert, 1890) p. 462.

Adair Heig, History of Petaluma: A California River Town (Petaluma, CA: Scottwall Associates, 1982).

Katherine Johnson, “West Penngrove Historical Resources Survey,” Master of Arts Thesis, Sonoma State University, 1994. https://scholarworks.calstate.edu/downloads/g445cg87h?locale=en

John Haskell Kemble, “The Gold Rush by Panama, 1848-1851,” Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 18, No. 1, Rushing for Gold (University of California Press, February, 1949), pp. 45-56.

“Central America: Nicaragua,” The Maritime Heritage Project. https://www.maritimeheritage.org/ports/centralAmericaNicaragua.html

J.P. Munro-Fraser, “George B. Williams,” History of Sonoma County (Alley, Bowen & Co., 1880), pp. 604-605.

Thor Severson, Sacramento: An Illustrated History, 1839 to 1874 (California Historical Society, 1973).

Kevin Starr, Americans and the California Dream 1850-1913 (Oxford University Press USA, 1973), pp. 49-68.

Robert A. Thompson, Historical and Descriptive Sketch Of Sonoma County, California (Philadelphia: L.H. Everts & Co., 1877), pgs. 18, 24, 55.

Lee Torliatt, Golden Memories of the Redwood Empire (Chicago: Arcadia Publishing, 2002) pp. 18-20.

David Wharff letter to William Farrell, dated April 10, 1914. From personal collection of Richard Wharff.

David Wharff letter to A.P. Behrens, dated April 26, 1918. From personal collection of Lee Torliatt.

Rich Warff, “David Wharff,” Portraits of Early Sonoma County Settlers (Sonoma County Genealogical Society, 2016) pp. 115-122.

Luzena Stanley Wilson, 49er: Her Memoirs as Taken Down by Her Daughter in 1881 (Mills College, Calif., Eucalyptus Press, 1937). www.digitalhistory.uh.edu.

KSRO Interview: Sonoma County’s Irish History

A gathering is held at Jasper O’Farrell’s home near Freestone (Sonoma County Library).

In preparation for St. Patrick’s Day, historian John Sheehy was interviewed on KSRO about the early Irish history in Sonoma County. For those who missed it, below is an excerpt from the transcript:

How the Irish Settled Sonoma County

The Irish were the first large immigrant group to settle in Sonoma County from the time the county was established in 1850 until the 1890s. They came from Ireland on three different paths:

Many following the Potato Famine of 1845-1849 back home, when a million Irish immigrated to America. Others came to California earlier in 1846 as Union soldiers in the Mexican-American War, and then stayed behind after the war ended to mine for gold before settling on farms in Sonoma County. And finally, a number of Irish men been exiled to the penal colonies in Australia by their British rulers after the Irish Rebellions of 1848 and the early 1860s, and then made their way to California, including one of my great-grandfathers, the Fenian Charles Sheehy from County Limerick.

The fact that California had been governed by Mexican Catholics was certainly appealing to those suffering religious persecution under British Protestant rule back home.

The Earliest Irish Settlers: Read & O’Farrell

Sonoma County’s first Irish settler, John Read, arrived in 1827 while the area was under Mexican rule. He built a ramshackle house along Crane Creek near Cotati and planted corn. But the Coast Miwok natives burned his crops, and so he retreated to Mill Valley, where he married a Californio widow—a native of Spanish and Mexican heritage—and so was able to become a landowner of large Mexican land grant, the Rancho Corte Madera. John Reed Elementary School in Rohnert Park is (mis)named in his honor.

In 1843, the man who is perhaps the county’s most famous Irishman, Jasper O’Farrell, a civil engineer from Dublin, came to work in the area as a surveyor for the Mexican government. The Mexicans paid him in land grants, including part of Rancho Nicasio in Marin. He also purchased the Rancho Estero Americano, which included land between Freestone and Valley Ford. There, he established his family estate named Analy after ancestral lands in Ireland (which carried over to the naming of Analy High School in Sebastopol).

After the Mexican-American War ended, O’Farrell was hired to map out the grid for the new city of San Francisco, including its grand promenade known as Market Street, and a street that still bears his name. He made good money surveying, and in the 1850 U.S. Census he was reported to be Sonoma County’s wealthiest citizen.

The Potato Boom

A number of the Irish immigrants in the early 1850s followed a fellow Irishman named John Keyes to the west Sonoma County—Bloomfield, Bodega, Valley Ford—where he began growing potatoes, or “Irish diamonds” as they were known, the county’s first big boom crop. Potatoes were able to keep without refrigeration, which made them transportable on schooners down the Petaluma River to a growing San Francisco. By the mid-1850s, Sonoma County’s potato boom was largely over, a victim of overplanting, soil erosion, and increased competition.

The Wheat Boom

The potato boom in Sonoma County was followed by the California wheat boom. With it came a second influx of Irish immigrants in the 1860s, including my Irish ancestors from County Kerry, the Caseys, many of them attracted by wheat’s reputation as the “poor man’s crop.” It required little expertise or capital, and unlike fruit trees or grape vines that took years to mature, it returned a good profit the first year. Best of all, wheat harvesting was mechanized through the use threshers, and so not particularly labor intense.

Wheat schooner, Petaluma River (Petaluma Historical Museum & Library)

Many of the Irish wheat farmers, including my ancestors, settled in Lakeville south of Petaluma and on the western slope of Sonoma Mountain, an area that became known as “Little Ireland,” somewhat segregated from Protestant-dominated river town of Petaluma. My great-grandfather John Casey farmed 160 acres across the northern end of Tolay Lake, previously a sacred Coast Miwok site, that was drained by a wealthy German settler William Bihler in 1870 for planting potatoes. The old Casey farm is now part of the new Tolay Lake Regional Park.

The wheat boom crashed in the 1880s, after which my ancestors and many other farmers switched to dairy ranching.

Donahue Landing

By that time, a new Irish community had been established south of Lakeville called Donahue Landing. It was actually a company pop-up town of 200 people erected by an Irishman named Peter Donahue, who in 1870 built the San Francisco and North Pacific Railroad that extended from Donahue Landing north to Healdsburg.

Steamship moored at Donahue’s Landing, 1878 (Sonoma County Library photo)

His instant town of Donahue Landing featured a two-story hotel, a firehouse, a one-room county school, two laundries, a saloon, and a stable that doubled as a dance hall. Donahue employed only Irish on his crews. Meanwhile, another Irishman, John Frisbee, a son-in-law of Mariano Vallejo, who built a separate rail line through the Sonoma Valley to Healdsburg at the time, employed only Chinese workers. Many of Donahue’s Irish workers stayed on in Sonoma County after the railroad was finished.

Catholic Church Communities

The other impact of the Irish immigrants in Sonoma County was the establishment of English-speaking Catholic Church communities in a county that was largely Protestant in its early days. That included St. Vincent’s parish in Petaluma in 1857, St. Rose parish in Santa Rosa in 1860, and St. Teresa parish in Bodega in 1861. These parishes usually started out in someone’s stable, as in Petaluma, or a hotel, as in Santa Rosa, with visiting priests who rode a circuit from the San Rafael mission until such time as enough money was raised by the parish to build a church and support a permanent priest.

St. Vincent’s Church, Liberty & Howard streets in Petaluma, built in 1876 for the Irish parish (Sonoma County Library)

By 1870, the U.S. Census counted the Irish as the largest single immigrant group in Sonoma County, about a third of the 20,000 people in the county. They also comprised a third of San Francisco’s population of 100,000.