Dicky Jessup: White Man in a Black Man’s World

Illustration of Richard P. “Dicky” Jessup, 1892 (San Francisco Examiner)

Growing up in Tomales, Henry Kowalsky dreamed of a life grander than working in his father’s general store. For years, he burned the midnight oil studying the law, until finally, in 1883 at the age of 24, he passed the California bar. With the help of his father, he opened a legal office in San Francisco, furnishing it in Victorian gilt and plush more suggestive of a parlor than a place of business.[1]

Kowalsky’s flamboyant performances—pulling out a pistol to defend himself from opposing counsel, falling asleep during trial—made good tabloid fodder, as did his life outside the courtroom, where he cast himself as a bon vivant, raconteur, and connoisseur of the arts, nonchalantly racking up debts residing at the luxurious Baldwin Hotel on Market Street.[2]

Baldwin Hotel, Market and Powell streets, 1885 (photo Marilyn Blaisdell Collection)

In 1887, he was appointed advocate-general of the California National Guard with the honorary title of colonel. That same year, the Colonel—as he insisted on being called—took on the case of an illegitimate son of a wealthy bachelor challenging his father’s will. As probate cases go, it was fairly commonplace, except for one twist: the father, Gershom Jessup, had his white son raised by a Black family in Petaluma.[3]

The case became one of the most sensationalistic of San Francisco’s Gilded Age, casting a spotlight on an issue bedeviling the country since Reconstruction: race.

Colonel Henry Kowalsky, 1889 (illustration public domain)

Jessup was manager of a stage line company in Marysville in 1865 when he became romantically involved with an attractive 18-year-old named Josie Landis. She became pregnant with his child. That same year, Jessup inherited a small fortune from his deceased brother Richard, co-founder of the prosperous California Steam Navigation Company.[4]

Moving to San Francisco, Jessup arranged for Josie to spend the final stage of her pregnancy at the North Beach home of Mrs. Abigail Nugent. A Black widow from Philadelphia, Nugent served as a midwife and nurse to the city’s elite. Two months after giving birth to a boy, Josie returned to Marysville. Keeping her child a secret, she quickly married a local dentist.[5]

Jessup named the boy Richard, or “Dicky,” after his recently deceased brother. He paid Nugent to raise him, and to have him baptized by the bishop of San Francisco’s Bethel African Methodist Church, T.M.D. Ward, where Nugent was a prominent member.[6] It was at the church that Nugent’s 18-year-old daughter Maggie met 42-year-old George Miller, a recently widowed barber from Petaluma.

Born and educated a free man in New Jersey, Miller came to San Francisco in 1850 to open a barbershop. In 1855, he moved his business and young family to Petaluma. He continued to spend a good deal of time in San Francisco, where he was actively engaged with the A.M.E. Church, the Black Freemasons, and the California Colored Convention, a group of businessmen, clergy, and journalists working to rescind the state’s racial restriction laws.[7]

Illustration of a Colored Convention held in 1876 (Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper)

Miller’s exclusive white clientele provided him with economic and social advantages that he put to use in Petaluma opening a state-supported “colored school” and the North Bay’s first A.M.E. Church. In 1868, two years after his wife’s death, Miller married Maggie Nugent, bringing her to town to live with him and his four children. Within a year, the couple had a child of their own.[8]  

Margaret Nugent Miller, 1886 (photo courtesy Sharon McGriff-Payne)

Soon afterward, Maggie’s mother brought Dicky, a sickly child, to reside with the Millers. She hoped the move would improve his health. Jessup continued to provide financially support the boy, occasionally visiting him at the Miller home, as did Dicky’s mother on one occasion. When Dicky came of school age, the Millers enrolled him with their own children in Petaluma’s “colored school” under the name Richard Miller.[9]

1870 Brooklyn Colored School in Oakland, Mary J. Sanderson, teacher (photo public domain)

At the time, George Miller and the Colored Convention were engaged in a case before the state Supreme Court to desegregate California schools. Although the court ultimately upheld the state’s “separate but equal” education law, a major economic recession led most California cities with “colored schools” to desegregate by 1875 as a cost-saving measure.[10]

Petaluma was the exception, maintaining its “colored school” until the state abolished them in 1880. As Dicky’s presence at the school violated Petaluma’s segregation adherence, he was forced to transfer to a white elementary school, where students bullied him so badly the Millers withdrew him for homeschooling.[11]

Washington College, Alameda County, 1878 (illustration David Rumsey’s Historical Map Collection)

In 1876, Jessup instructed Maggie—George Miller having unexpectedly died in 1873—to board 10-year-old Dicky in Washington College, a technical school in Alameda County under the name Richard Miller. He was afraid Josie’s family, having recently learned of the boy’s existence, would try to steal him away. Dicky lived with Maggie during school breaks.[12]

That same year, Maggie’s mother died, leaving her a sizable inheritance.[13] Her four stepchildren grown and gone, Maggie decided to move with her seven-year-old son Hoddie to Napa, where she eventually purchased a ranch, opened a restaurant, and married a Black barber named Ed Hatton.[14]

Ad for Maggie’s Arcade Restaurant (Napa Register, 1887).

In 1881, Dicky’s mother Josie died. Jessup had Maggie pull Dicky out of the Alameda technical school and send him to work on a friend’s ranch in San Diego, ending financial support for the boy. Within a year, Dicky returned to live with Maggie in Napa, working in a tannery and as a bootblack in her husband’s barbershop.[15]

Jessup died in 1886 at Harbin Springs in Lake County while seeking treatment for his rheumatism. In his will he named his brother and two sisters as sole beneficiaries of his estate. The estate was valued at $140,000, or $5 million in today’s currency.[16]

Maggie engaged Jerry Mahoney, a private detective, to determine if 20-year-old Dicky had a claim to the estate. Mahoney enlisted Colonel Kowalsky as legal counsel. Borrowing $20,000 ($600,000 in today’s currency) against a prospective settlement, Kowalsky filed a probate challenge and sent Mahoney scouring the state for witnesses to testify to Jessup’s fatherly relationship with Dicky.[17]

Senator Jeremiah H. Mahoney, 1896 (illustration public domain)

A media circus erupted around the trial, putting Dicky in the public spotlight. Mahoney took the young man under his wing, introducing him to the life of white luxury denied him by his father. To pay for his posh hotel, fancy meals, and tailored suits, Dicky borrowed against his prospective settlement at usury rates.[18]

In district court, Kowalsky was able to convince the judge that Jessup, through his actions and public acknowledgements, had legitimized Dicky as his offspring, entitling him to the entire estate. Jessup’s siblings filed an appeal with the state’s Supreme Court, who affirmed the lower court ruling. [19]  

Undeterred, the siblings filed a second appeal. A new presiding judge, Charles Fox, reversed the ruling. Although he cited insubstantial evidence, the main thrust of his decision was race.[20]  

California Supreme Court Justice Charles Fox (photo public domain)

Fox believed Jessup’s actions toward Dicky were not those of a loving father, but a punitive one. Why else would he have the boy brought up by a Black family, “considered inferior and by most white people as degrading,” having him take the family’s surname, attend a “colored school,” and work in a Black barber shop? Fox also speculated that Jessup’s cut off of funding for Dicky the same year the boy’s mother died, indicated he had agreed to provide support only during her lifetime, most likely out of fear she would expose their affair if he didn’t.[21]

Following the decision, Kowalsky incited a campaign among Black political leaders to oppose Fox’s reelection to the bench. It quickly escalated into death threats against the judge.[22] After Kowalsky filed for a new trial in district court, he discovered his key witness, Maggie Nugent Miller Hatton, refused to testify.

Maggie’s relationship with Dicky had apparently deteriorated during his time under Mahoney’s tutelage. To convince her to retestify, Kowalsky secured a $5,000 promissory note for her against the prospective settlement.[23]

The retrial once again ended in Kowalsky’s favor. Jessup’s siblings filed another appeal, but this time the two sides negotiated a settlement, granting one-third of the estate to the siblings. Dicky walked away with $90,000, or $3 million in today’s currency.[24]

Colonel Henry Kowalsky, 1899 (photo public domain)

Of that amount, Kowalsky took $40,000 for his fee. Another $20,000 went to paying off the loan he secured at the beginning of the trial. Mahoney, Kowalsky’s legal associate, and the court-appointed administrator of Jessup’s estate got $15,000. Dicky’s loan sharks got $10,000. That left Dicky with $5,000, which he legally owed to Maggie. She never received a penny.[25]

After the trial, Dicky moved to Sacramento to live with Mahoney, who had used his newfound fame to get elected to the state senate. Mahoney got him a job working as a senate page for $3 a day. After the senator’s death in 1897, Dicky vanished from sight.[26]

Maggie and her family moved to Oakland. She died there in 1928. Kowalsky went on to land a number of high-profile cases, including defending Belgium’s King Leopold II against charges of genocide in the Congo. He died in 1914, still living the high life at San Francisco’s Palace Hotel.[27]

******

A version of this story appeared in the Petaluma Argus-Courier, February 2, 2024


FOOTNOTES:

[1] “Col. Kowalsky was Reared at Tomales,” Petaluma Courier, December 9, 1914; “Aneurysm Cause of Kowalsky’s Sleeping Sickness,” Sacramento Bee, November 30, 1914.

[2] “Henry Kowalsky Called by Death,” San Francisco Chronicle, November 29, 1914.

[3] “Colonel Kowalsky is Dead,” San Francisco Bulletin, November 28, 1914.

[4] “Estate of Gershom P. Jessup, Deceased,” Decided March 29, 1891, by California Superior Court, Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2 (San Francisco Probate Department, James Vincent Coffey, Bancroft-Whitney, 1909), pp. 480-481; “First Boatbuilder on the Pacific Coast,” San Francisco Call and Port, March 9, 1902.

[5] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 481. “The Lost Heir,” San Francisco Examiner, September 8, 1887.

[6] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, pp. 482-483; “Young Jessup Wins,” Napa Register Weekly, July 5, 1889; “Jessup Contest,” Napa Register Weekly, September 19, 1890.

[7] John Sheehy, “Black Sonoma County’s Birth,” PetalumaHistorian.com, https://petalumahistorian.com/black-sonoma-countys-political-birth/

[8] Sheehy, https://petalumahistorian.com/black-sonoma-countys-political-birth/

[9] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 482; “Jessup Contest,” Napa Register Weekly, September 19, 1890.

[10] Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 180-182; Jo Ann Williamson, Lori Rhodes, Michael Dunson, “Chapter 7 A Selected History of Social Justice in Education,” Review of Research in Education, November 15, 2016, Vol. 31 (1), pp. 195–224; “1874 Ward V. Flood,” Blackpast.org, https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ward-v-flood-1874/.

[11] Charles Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), 25; “Local Dots,” Petaluma Courier, July 21, 1880; “Jessup Contest,” Napa Register Weekly, September 19, 1890.

[12] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 484.

[13] “Died, The Elevator, October 25, 1873; Maggie inherited property valued at $8,000: “The Jessup Case,” Napa Register Weekly, September 19, 1890.

[14] “Dancing Party,” Napa Register Weekly, November 30, 1883; “Real Estate Transfers,” Napa Register Weekly, March 5, 1885; “Local Brevities,” Napa Register Weekly, April 1, 1886; “Local Brevities,” Napa Register Weekly, August 5, 1887; “Local Briefs,” Napa Valley Register, January 17, 1890; “Death of Edward Hatton,” Napa Register Weekly, May 11, 1897.

[15] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 485; “Gershom P. Jessup’s Estate,” Lawyers’ Reports Annotated, Book VI (The Lawyers’ Co-operative Publishing Company, 1890), p. 600.

[16] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 477; “Stripped of His Birthright,” San Francisco Examiner, April 9, 1893: The Jessup estate, initially valued at $93,000 at the time of Jessup’s death, rose in value to $140,000 by the time of the settlement in 1892.

[17] “Mahoney Did It,” San Francisco Call and Post, October 13, 1894.

[18] “Young Jessup’s Estate,” San Francisco Examiner, July 2, 1892; “Stripped of His Birthright,” San Francisco Examiner, April 9, 1893; “Mahoney Did It,” San Francisco Call and Post, October 13, 1894.

[19] Reports of Decisions in Probate, Volume 2, p. 476.

[20] Lawyers’ Reports Annotated, Book VI, pp. 594-601.

[21] Lawyers’ Reports Annotated, Book VI, pp. 600-601.

[22] “Offices Seeking Men,” San Francisco Examiner, August 6, 1890; Stockton Evening Mail, August 7, 1890; “The Fox Resolutions,” San Francisco Call and Post, August 7, 1890.

[23] “To Protect Her Claim,” San Francisco Examiner, September 8, 1894; Hatton’s promissory note was issued September 12, 1890, she testified September 19th.

[24] “Stripped of His Birthright,” San Francisco Examiner, April 9, 1893.

[25] In the Hotel Corridors,” Sacramento Bee, December 8, 1892; “Stripped of His Birthright,” San Francisco Examiner, April 9, 1893; “Made Certain of His Fees, San Francisco Examiner, May 15, 1893; “Young Jessup’s Note,” San Francisco Call and Post, September 8, 1894; “To Protect Her Claim,” San Francisco Examiner, September 8, 1894.

[26] “Stripped of His Birthright,” San Francisco Examiner, April 9, 1893; “Jessup is Penniless,” Pacific Bee, December 27, 1893; “State Senator Mahoney Dead,” Sacramento Bee, December 24, 1897; “List of Letters,” Sacramento Union, October 11, 1897: Jessup still in Sacramento.

[27] “Deaths,” San Francisco Examiner, December 28, 1928; “Aneurysm Cause of Kowalsky’s Sleeping Sickness,” Sacramento Bee, November 30, 1914.

Petaluma’s Black History

Linda Jones, second from right, first Black contestant for Petaluma Dairy Princess, 1971, standing with other contestants outside the Brown mansion at 920 D Street (photo Sonoma County Library)

The successful and persistent efforts of Black people to reach Petaluma, find jobs, combat discrimination, raise families, create positive images, and become a part of the community represent the creative and heroic aspects of Black history.

While Petaluma’s Black population has historically remained below two percent, it doesn’t mean the city lacks in stories of remarkable Black citizens. Even in the face of persistent racism, Black people have thrived, accumulating wealth, property, political clout, and a legacy that has left an indelible mark on Petaluma as we know it today.

Rivertown Era (1852 to 1900)

The Gold Rush

Black miner during Gold Rush era (photo California History Room, California State Library)

The Gold Rush brought Black people, both those free-born and educated in the North and those enslaved in the South, to California in search of economic and social opportunities. While many of those enslaved were able to purchase their freedom working for their owners in the gold mines, others escaped to freedom.

California’s Fugitive Law of 1852 authorized the return of runaway slaves to the South, placing any Black person who lacked clear legal documentation of their freedom at risk of being kidnapped and sold into slavery in the South. Although slaveowners were only briefly allowed to keep their slaves in California, many informally held them until 1864.[1]

While most Black people settled in mining counties or in San Francisco during the 1850s, some chose towns like Petaluma, a small but bustling agricultural river port. Settled largely by Protestant abolitionists from New England, Petaluma was the sole Union outpost in Confederate Sonoma County during the Civil War.[2]

George W. Miller (1825-1873)

Inside a 19th century Black barbershop (photo public domain)

One of the more lucrative occupations for Black men was barbering. Their access to a white clientele provided them with economic and social advantages that conveyed prestige and influence within their communities.[3]

Petaluma’s leading barber was George W. Miller. Born a free man in New Jersey, Miller migrated to San Francisco in 1850, before moving to Petaluma in 1855 and opening a barbershop on Main Street.[4]

Miller continued to commute regularly to San Francisco, where he maintained his membership with prominent Black organizations, including the Olive Branch Lodge of the Black Masons, the Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church, and the Brannan Guards ceremonial militia. The latter inspired him to establish the Colfax Guard in Petaluma.[5]

Miller was also a contributor to San Francisco’s two Black-owned newspapers, the Pacific Appeal and the Elevator, which provided Black people on the Pacific Coast as sense of community.[6]

He also represented Sonoma County at the four California Colored Conventions held between 1855 and 1865, where members organized to fight for full citizenship rights for Black people, including the right to court testimony, homesteading, publicly-funded schools, and suffrage.[7]

Union African Methodist Episcopal Church

Former Union A.M.E. Church, 109 Howard Street (photo courtesy of Scott Hess)

In 1865, the first African Methodist Episcopal church (A.M.E.) in the North Bay was established in Petaluma. Located in a house at 109 Howard Street, the church served as a religious, social, and political center for the town’s small but vibrant Black community, a number of them homeowners.[8]

Reverend Peter Killingsworth, a former slave and A.M.E. circuit preacher, was assigned as founding pastor.[9] In 1865, he accompanied George Miller to the Colored Convention held in Sacramento, serving as the convention’s chaplain. Killingsworth noted in his convention report that Sonoma County had 70 black residents, 58 adults and 12 children. Of the adult men, a dozen were general laborers, ten farmers, seven barbers, two blacksmiths, and two carpenters.[10]

A schism later developed between Killingsworth and the Petaluma church’s more politically cautious trustees—all former slaves—leading to his departure in 1869. That same year, those trustees were among 12 Black residents who signed a petition for woman’s suffrage, on the eve of ratification of the 15th Amendment, which extended voting rights to Black men.[11]

The church operated with visiting preachers before shutting down in 1878 after a large decline in the local Black population.[12]

“Colored School”

“Colored school” in Oakland’s Brooklyn neighborhood, 1870 (photo in the public domain)

In 1864, George Miller spearheaded the opening of a private “colored school,” as it was called at the time. A young Black woman from San Francisco, Mrs. Rachel Coursey, was hired as the school’s first teacher.[13]

Later that year, after the California Supreme Court ruled public school districts were required to provide “separate but equal” schools for Black students, Petaluma’s “colored school” became one of six such schools in the state to be publicly funded.[14]         

In the early 1870s, Miller joined with other members of the Colored Convention’s Education Committee in bringing a case for school integration before the California Supreme Court. Although the court upheld “separate but equal” schooling in Ward v. Flood, committee members convinced most of the cities with “colored schools” to voluntarily integrate.[15]

Petaluma was the lone hold-out, generating national press and serving as a polarizing issue locally.

The city’s “colored school” remained in operation until 1880, at which time the state legislature voted to abolish segregated schools.[16] By that time, the school had only one student, as most Black families had relocated to friendlier communities in Vallejo and Oakland, where jobs were readily available in the shipyards and on the railroads.[17]

Egg Boom Era (1901 to 1945)

Sundown Town

New housing development in Los Angeles, 1950 (photo Irving C. Smith, California Eagle newspaper; California Eagle Photo Collection, Southern California Library, Los Angeles, California)

Having served as an abolitionist, pro-Union enclave during the Civil War, Petaluma became less friendly for Black residents following the end of Reconstruction in 1877.

Abolitionists may have supported the end of slavery, but not all were in favor of providing Black people with equal rights.

Black barbers in town, who had gained wealth, prominence, and influence servicing white clientele, found themselves displaced in the 1880s by German and Swiss-Italian immigrants.[18]

By the beginning of Petaluma’s prosperous egg boom at the turn of the century, the city had become a so-called “sundown town,” intent on excluding non-whites through a combination of discriminatory local laws, intimidation, and violence.

This was accomplished largely by restricting housing access to Caucasians through both implicit and explicit means. The latter came in the form of institutional racism.[19]

In 1927, the National Association of Real Estate Boards championed the inclusion of legal covenants in property deeds that banned the sale or lease of property to non-whites. The Federal Housing Administration, created in the 1930s to insure home mortgages, also required racial covenants to guarantee loans, a practice better known as “redlining,” referring to the red colored areas on maps they would not insure. [20]

While Petaluma’s population surged with the egg boom in 1920 to 6,226 residents, only 13 of them were Black, and were employed as domestics, porters, chauffeurs, and shoeshine men.[21]

The largest Black presence in town during the 1920s and 30s were traveling Black minstrel troupes and jazz groups performing at the Mystic Theater and Hill Opera House, and Black cowboys at the local rodeos held at the fairgrounds.[22]

Black rodeo champion Jesse Stahl, a frequent visitor to Petaluma (photo public domain)

The 1920s also brought a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan, thanks largely to the release of the epic silent film Birth of a Nation, which glorified white supremacism. The local Petaluma KKK chapter staged a recruiting rally in 1925 with a nighttime cross-burning outside the Petaluma Adobe that was visible from the downtown.[23] By 1930, the city’s Black population had dropped to three citizens.[24]

One open-minded group in town was the Men’s Forum of the Congregational Church, led by grain merchant George P. McNear. The forum regularly brought to town Black speakers, including Dr. E.W. Moore, a Baptist preacher and charter member of the NAACP, to educate them on race matters.[25]

Suburban Boom Era (1946 to current)

Housing Discrimination

Chenault House at 32 West Street, only Petaluma home owned by a Black family in 1960 (photo John Sheehy)

The suburban tract housing boom following World War II more than tripled Petaluma’s population to almost 25,000 by 1970. However, the boom however came with restrictive deed covenants redlining by the banks that prevented the sale or resale of homes to “persons of African, Asiatic or Mongolian descent.”[26]

Although the U.S. Supreme Court ruled such covenants unenforceable in 1948, they were still being used in the North Bay as late as the 1960s, often serving as a means of placing social pressure on white families not wishing to discriminate.[27]

In 1960, a report by a federal commission on civil rights found only one home in Petaluma owned by a Black family, that of Henry and Bessie Chenault. The commission attributed this to a cabal of bankers, realtors, developers, and neighborhood associations who ostracized and financially threatened anyone attempting to sell or rent a home to Black people.[28]

In 1963, the California Fair Housing Act was passed, making it unlawful to discriminate against home buyers and renters. The next year, the California Real Estate Association put forth a successful ballot measure to nullify the Fair Housing Act. The ballot measure was overruled by the U.S Supreme Court in 1967.[29]

Henry Chenault (1895 -1969)

Henry Chenault at his Western Avenue shoeshine stand, 1954 (photo Sonoma County Library)

From the 1940s through the 1960s, Petaluma’s most prominent Blacks were Henry and Bessie Chenault. Actively engaged in politics, they served as officers of Petaluma’s Democratic Club and founding members of the Sonoma County NAACP, where Bessie was elected the chapter’s first treasurer.[30] 

Henry moved to Petaluma in the 1930s, after serving 13 years in Leavenworth Prison for his participation in a deadly uprising of Black soldiers on a Houston army base in 1917.[31]

Keeping his past secret, he operated a sidewalk shoeshine stand at 18 Western Avenue, across from Andresen’s Tavern, until his death in 1969.

Thanks to Henry’s outgoing personality, his stand became a popular downtown crossroads. Among merchants, it served as the city’s “second chamber of commerce.” For local politicians, many of whom relied upon Henry as a trusted advisor, it helped them keep a finger on the pulse of the community.[32]

For many years, Henry was Petaluma’s only Black businessman, and he and Bessie were the city’s sole Black homeowners.[33] Henry was posthumously pardoned in 1972 for his role in the Houston uprising, determined to have been staged by white racists.[34]

Sonoma County NAACP

Sonoma County NAACP leaders meeting in Petaluma, 1970 (photo Sonoma County Library)

The 1950s and 60s marked a period of unprecedented protests against the status of second class citizenship accorded to Black Americans.

The protests took form in civil disobedience, nonviolent resistance, marches, protests, boycotts, “freedom rides,” and rallies. There were also continuing efforts to legally challenge segregation through the courts.[35]

In 1955, Platt Williams and Gilbert Gray of Santa Rosa spearheaded organizing the Sonoma County chapter of the NAACP. Henry and Bessie Chenault represented Petaluma as founding members.

One of the chapter’s first actions was closing down the Montgomery Village Lions Club’ annual minstrel charity show, which harkened back to blackface entertainment.[36]

While the chapter supported the national NAACP movement—for example, picketing and boycotting the F.W. Woolworth department stores in Petaluma and Santa Rosa over the chain’s refusal to serve Black people at lunch counters in the South—their primary focus was securing equal treatment in jobs and housing for the county’s Black residents, who by 1960 totaled 916. [37]

That included successfully lobbying for the California Fair Employment Practice Act of 1959 and the California Fair Housing Act of 1963.[38]

Petaluma Blacks for Community Development

Gloria Robinson, 1982 (photo courtesy of Petaluma Argus-Courier, Brant Ward photographer)

Gloria Robinson moved to Petaluma from San Francisco in 1971 with her husband Herbert and four children, attracted by the affordable real estate. She quickly made friends with civil rights activist Bessie Chenault, and began working with the NAACP and Sonoma County People for Economic Opportunity.[39]

Petaluma’s Black population by that time had grown from 11 in 1960 to more than 100, and was on its way toward reaching almost 500 by 1980.[40]

In 1976, Gerald Ford became the first U.S. president to recognize February as Black History Month, an event started 50 years before by Black historian Carl G. Wooden.[41]

Seeing an opportunity to increase Black visibility and representation in town, in 1978 Robinson formed Petaluma Blacks for Community Development. Serving as president, she was joined by founding board members Faith Ross, Ted Morris, and Nadine Lawson.

The group’s mission has been to share Black history and culture with the Petaluma community and bring Black families together for social and educational activities by sponsoring events, speaking engagements, and exhibits.

Their vision is to help “make the Petaluma community free of hate and get rid of those issues that divide us based on color.”[42]

******

FOOTNOTES


[1] Rudolph M. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977); Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites (University of California Press, 1990), pp. 12-13; Mike McPhate, “California’s Black Slaves and the Myth of Free Soil,” California Sun, January 23, 2019. Californiasun.com.

[2] Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 42; Adair Heig, History of Petaluma: A California River Town (Petaluma, CA: Scottwall Associates, 1982), p. 47.

[3] Douglas W. Bristol, Knights of the Razor: Black Barbers in Slavery and Freedom (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015); Sean Trainor, “The Racially Fraught History of the American Beard,” The Atlantic, January 20, 2014.

[4] Advertisements, Sonoma County Journal, August 25, 1855, and September 5, 1856; “Deaths: George Miller,” Pacific Appeal, October 25, 1873.

[5] “Prince Hall Freemasonry,” Freemason Information, freemasoniformation.com; Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing, 1919) p. 146; “Masonic Notice,” The Elevator, December 21, 1872; “Died,” The Elevator, October 25, 1873; “Trip to Petaluma,” Pacific Appeal, January 30, 1864; “Flag Presentation,” Petaluma Argus, January 1, 1869; “The Picnic,” Petaluma Argus, July 9 1870.

[6] https://blackvoicenews.com/2008/07/31/mirror-of-the-times-founded-1857/; “Agents,” Pacific Appeal, January 17, 1863.

[7] Herbert G. Ruffin II, “The Conventions of Colored Citizens of the State of California (1855-1865),” February 9, 2009. BlackPast.com.

[8] “Rudolph Lapp, Afro-Americans in California (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser Publishing Company, 1987); “Santa Rosa,” The Elevator, July 4, 1865, the first newspaper mention of Rev. Killingsworth at the A.M.E. Church in Petaluma; “Trip to Petaluma,” Pacific Appeal, January 30, 1864; “Notice,” Petaluma Argus, November 30, 1865; “Campbell’s Chapel,” Petaluma Argus, November 30, 1865.

[9] California State Convention of Colored Citizens, held in Sacramento on the 25, 26, 27, 28 of October 1865. Coloredconventions.org; Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 158; “The Appointments of the A. M. E. Church for the Conference,” Pacific Appeal, November 8, 1862; “The Appointments of the A. M. E. Church for the Conference,” Pacific Appeal, September 12, 1863; 1860 U.S. Census, Sacramento, California; 1861 Sacramento City Directory.

[10] http://coloredconventions.org/items/show/268, p. 14.

[11] Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 252-253. “Petaluma,” The Elevator, November 1, 1867; “Correspondence of the Elevator,” The Elevator, February 19, 1869; “Petition for Woman’s Suffrage in Senate, March 2, 1870,” Journals of Senate and Assembly of the 18th Session of the legislature of the State of California, Volume II, pp. 14-18, 23-24; Note: the 12 identified Black residents who signed the 1870 woman’s suffrage petition were Charles and Rebecca Montgomery, Peggy Barnes, Alexander and Malvina McFarland, Thomas and Juliana Johnson,  John and Ellen Looney, E. Cooper and Eliza A. Smith, and Mary Espee.

[12] “Sixteen Volume: A.M.E. Appointments,” Pacific Appeal, August 10, 1878; City of Petaluma Deed Records, Lot 276, Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library, Ref. 979.418.732: Sold on October 3, 1885 by two trustees of the AME, a religious society not incorporated; includes a small frame structure; states it has been many years since any religious services were held, and that but four or five members of the society remain; remains of the sale to be extended to other A.M.E. churches throughout the state. Last service listed in the Petaluma Argus was August 14, 1878, when Bishop Black of Baltimore preached there.

[13] “Correspondence,” Pacific Appeal December 12, 1863; “Married,” Pacific Appeal June 27, 1863; “Arrivals from the Interior,” Pacific Appeal, February 13, 1864; “School for Colored Children,” Petaluma Argus, December 16, 1863; “Opened,” Petaluma Argus, January 13, 1864.

[14] Charles Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), p. 25; “Trip to Petaluma,” Pacific Appeal, January 30, 1864.

[15] Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing, 1919) p. 180-182; “Educational Public Meeting at Bethel Church,” The Elevator, April 27, 1872; “Address of the Educational Committee,” The Elevator, May 11, 1872; “1874 Ward V. Flood, Blackpast.org, https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ward-v-flood-1874/

[16] “Educational Items,” Petaluma Argus, August 13, 1875; “A Pennsylvania Opinion,” Petaluma Argus, May 18, 1876; “Our ‘Colored Schools,’” Petaluma Argus, December 22, 1876; “Our Colored School,” Petaluma Argus, August 11, 1876; “The Negro School,” Petaluma Argus, April 5, 1877; “A Pennsylvania Opinion,” Petaluma Argus, May 18, 1877.

[17] Sharon McGriff-Payne, John Grider’s Century: African Americans in Solano, Napa, and Sonoma Counties from 1845 to 1925 (iUniverse, 2009), p. 58; History of Sonoma County, Sonoma County, CA (Archives History – Books …..Petaluma Township, Part 3 1880); Charles Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), 25; John Ford, Journal of the American Association, Volume 6, 1907, p. 84; “The Public Schools,” Petaluma Courier, June 18, 1879.

[18] Douglas Walter Bristol, Knights of the Razor: Black Barbers on Slavery and Freedom (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2009).

[19] Moore, Montojo, Mauri, “Roots, Race, and Place,” Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society, University of California, Berkeley, October 2019, p. 22.

[20] “Is There Racism in the Deed to Your Home?” New York Times, August 17, 2021.

[21] 1920 U.S. Census; “Negro Attacked Officer; Arrested,” Petaluma Courier, April 24, 1920.

[22] “At the Theaters, California,” Petaluma Courier, June 19, 1927.

[23] “Initiation of K.K.K. Before Guests,” Petaluma Courier, June 2, 1925.

[24] U.S Census.

[25] The Negro and His Outlook,” Petaluma Argus, March 30, 1925; “Negro Lecturer Returns to Congregational Open Forum,” Petaluma Argus, November 18, 1925; “Solve the Race Problem If We Would Avoid War, Says Noted Authority,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, April 21, 1932; “Dr. Kingsley Addresses Club,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, May 8, 1933.

[26] An example of the covenants can be found in the Sonoma Deeds of Record, Book 293, Page 330, April 13, 1931, for the sale of property by Willian and Marie J. Deiss to Clifford B. and Minnie J. Murphy: “FOURTH: That prior to the first day of October, 1990, no persons of African, Asiatic or Mongolian descent shall be permitted to purchase or lease said property, or any part thereof and this restriction shall bind, whether such attempted purchase shall be made at any execution sale, foreclosure sale or in any other manner.”

[27] Moore, Montojo, Mauri, pgs. 7, 13; Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law (New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation,2017), pgs. 6, 36, 52.

[28] “United States Commission on Civil Rights: Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights.” Hearings held in Los Angeles, California, January 25, 1960; San Francisco California, January 27, 1960, January 28, 1960 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1960), p. 590.

[29] Moore, Motojo, Mauri, p. 54.

[30] Bill Soberanes, So They Tell Me Column, Petaluma Argus-Courier, September 24, 1960; “Santa Rosa Unit of NAACP to Receive Charter,” Santa Rosa Press Democrat, June 2, 1955.

[31] “Houston Mutiny and Riot Records: Henry Chenault,” South Texas College of Law Digital Collection, https://cdm16035.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p15568coll1/id/1707

[32] Bill Soberanes, “So They Tell Me” column, Petaluma Argus-Courier, June 19, 1952; Bob Wells, “Everybody Here Knows Henry L. Chenault,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, June 24, 1954; “A Paragraph for Mr. Chenault,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, October 29, 1954; Bill Soberanes, “Henry Chenault Was a Petaluma Institution,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, January 20, 1993.

[33] Bill Soberanes column, Petaluma Argus-Courier, January 20, 1993; United States Commission on Civil Rights, Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1960, p. 588.

[34] Jaime Salazar, Mutiny of Rage: The 1917 Camp Logan Riots and Buffalo Soldiers in Houston (Prometheus eBooks, 2021), p. 51.

[35] “The African American Odyssey: A Quest for Full Citizenship,”Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/african-american-odyssey/abolition.html

[36] “County Negroes are Forming NAACP Unit,” Santa Rosa Press Democrat, February 9, 1955; “Santa Rosa Unit of NAACP to Receive Charter,” Santa Rosa Press Democrat, June 2, 1955; “Village Minstrel Show Called Off After Protest,” Santa Rosa Press Democrat, September 16, 1955.

[37] “Picketing by NAACP Continues in County,” Santa Rosa Press Democrat, March 20, 1960; “Negro ‘Test’ Stores Open—Part of the Way,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, February 9, 1960.

[38] “F.E.P. Bill To Be Discussed,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, March 29, 1955; Michael C. Tobriner, “California FEPC,” Hastings Law Journal, 1965, Vol. 16, issue 3; Moore, Motojo, Mauri, p. 54.

[39] 1970 U.S. census; Ann Gray Byrd, Glimpses: Santa Rosa African Americans (Santa Rosa, CA, 2003),p. 96; “Gloria Robinson: If Not You, Then Who?” Petaluma Argus-Courier, November 3, 2013; “Gloria Robinson Still Active, Still Working for Change,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, January 16, 2019.

[40] U.S. Census.

[41] “Black History Month,” history.com: https://www.history.com/topics/black-history/black-history-month

[42] Petaluma Blacks for Community Development website: https://pbcd4us.com/about/.

Black Sonoma County’s Political Birth

Sonoma Historian, Autumn 2021 issue

1870 illustration of 15th Amendment celebration (image in public domain)

On April 1, 1870, Sonoma County’s Black militia, the Colfax Guard, gathered at noon in Petaluma’s Hill Plaza Park to celebrate passage of the 15th Amendment. Their 30-gun salute—one for each of the 30 states to ratify extending voting rights to Black men—marked the first celebration of the amendment held in California.

The festivities continued into the evening at Hinshaw Hall, beginning with a rousing performance by the Petaluma Brass Band, a prayer from the white minister of the First Baptist Church, and a reading of the new amendment by George W. Miller, captain of the Colfax Guard. The evening’s featured speaker, Edward S. Lippitt, then stepped to the stage.

President of the Sonoma County Republican Party, the eloquent Lippitt began his oration with a quote from the Declaration of Independence: “all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.”

Excerpt from preamble to the Declaration of Independence

Once the cheering died down, he launched into a sermon about God-given rights, making a sharp distinction between political and social rights, and arguing that the right to vote did not, in any way, imply nor grant to Blacks social equality or integration. The social order, he told the crowd, would remain unchanged.1

Lippitt’s belief reflected a political calculus on the part of Republicans. The end of slavery also meant an end of the Three Fifths Compromise to the Constitution, which allowed Southern states to count slaves as partial humans for purposes of congressional apportionment and votes in the Electoral College.

The change to counting emancipated Blacks as full citizens ironically increased the electoral power of the recently defeated Southern states and of their predominantly Democratic congressmen. To create a numerical counterbalance, Republicans extended the franchise to Black men, assuming the majority would vote for their party, the party of Lincoln.2

Lippitt closed his talk with a call to Blacks to “educate up their race” in meeting their new responsibilities as voters. It was another area that the erudite Lippitt, a longtime educator, believed best addressed by racial segregation.

Petaluma’s Brick School at the corner of B and 4th streets, built in 1860 (photo Sonoma County Library)

In 1863, six months after he moved to Petaluma to assume the role of superintendent of schools, Lippitt found himself faced with a new California Supreme Court ruling that required public school districts with more than ten Black students to fund “separate but equal” schools.3

In Petaluma, a Black barber named George W. Miller had opened a private Black school just a few months earlier. Lippitt quickly agreed to fund Miller’s school, making Petaluma one of six California cities with a state-supported “colored school.”4

The next year, Miller set out to establish Sonoma County’s first African Methodist Episcopal Church in town. Lippitt, who, in addition to his duties as school supervisor, served as minister of Petaluma’s Methodist Episcopal Church, offered the support of his abolitionist congregation, taking time himself to teach Sunday school at the new church.5

Petaluma map with Union African Methodist Episcopal Church (“Colored”) highlighted in yellow (map courtesy of Katherine J. Rinehart)

Miller’s alliance with Lippitt was typical of many Black barbers of the time—their access to an exclusive white clientele provided them with economic and social advantages in assisting their Black communities. (In Santa Rosa, barber John Richards played a similar role).

19th century Black-owned barbershop in Baltimore (photo in public domain)

Born and educated a free man in New Jersey, Miller spent a good deal of time in San Francisco, then a center of Black intellectual and social activity, as a member of the Black Freemasons, the Bethel A.M.E. Church, and the California Colored Citizens Convention, a prominent group of activists working to rescind the state’s Black restriction laws.6

Colored Citizens Convention announcement, June 3, 1870 (The Elevator newspaper)

He was also sergeant of San Francisco’s Black militia, in the Brannan Guard. In 1869, as the 15th Amendment was making its way through the state ratification process, Miller decided to form a local Black militia, the Colfax Guard, named for Ulysses S. Grant’s newly elected vice-president, Schuyler Colfax.7

As previously the Speaker of the House, Colfax helped to shepherd through Congress the 13th Amendment abolishing slavery and the 14th Amendment protecting the civil rights of former slaves. In 1865, Speaker Colfax came to Petaluma to visit his uncle, Elias Matthews, and made an inspiring address outside the American Hotel (site of today’s Putnam Plaza), directly across from Miller’s barbershop.8

U.S. Vice President Schuyler Colfax (Photo by Library of Congress)

After proudly assembling the Colfax Guard for their 30-gun salute on April 1st, Miller’s hopes of an easy political birth were quickly dashed, when the county clerk refused to register Black men to vote.9

With the exception of Petaluma, Sonoma County was politically dominated at the time by the Democratic Party, which also held the governor’s seat and control of the state legislature. State Democratic legislators, having made California just one of seven states to reject ratifying the 15th Amendment prior to its passage, now invoked, with the governor’s support, states’ rights in denouncing the amendment as unconstitutional.

The Democratic state attorney general instructed county clerks to defer Black registration until “appropriate legislation”—a clause in the amendment— could be adopted by Congress.10

Santa Rosa’s Sonoma Democrat was even more blunt. “Let it be understood, far and near,” the newspaper wrote, “that negroes are not permitted to register as voters in Sonoma County.”11

In California, such opposition was largely theatrical, as only 1,731 of the state’s 4,272 Blacks were men 21 years of age or over, posing little threat to the political balance of power. Sonoma County had only 80 Blacks, more than half of whom lived in Petaluma.12

In mid-April, Lippitt—then in the process of leaving education to open a law practice—was appointed interim editor of the Republican Petaluma Journal & Argus, when the editor, Henry L. Weston, left for an extended trip to Europe.

Edward S. Lippitt in his law office, 1910 (photo Sonoma County Library)

Waging a war of words against the Democrats, he argued that efforts to suppress Black voters would forever align Blacks with the Republicans, keeping the party in control of the national government indefinitely.13

On April 18th, the city of Petaluma defied the county clerk, allowing George Miller and 13 other Black men to vote in a city election.14 Their defiance came on the heels of a similar election in San Jose, making the two cities the first in California to put the 15th Amendment to work.15

It was only after Congress instituted “appropriate legislation” on May 31st, passing the first of three Enforcement Acts imposing fines and penalties on those who obstructed or hindered any person from voting, that Sonoma County’s clerk allowed Blacks to register.16

Their first opportunity to officially vote came in June during a special election seeking voter approval of construction subsidies for new railroad lines.17 A week later, Miller and a delegation of Black citizens turned up with a band at Lippitt’s home, presenting him with a set of silver tablespoons, with the Goddess of Liberty engraved on one side and his initials on the other, as a token of their appreciation for his able advocacy on their behalf.18

It wasn’t long however before the Colored Convention grew frustrated with the reluctance of Republicans to embrace their full civil rights, especially in education. In November 1871, the convention’s Educational Committee, of which Miller was a member, decided to lobby for all school children, regardless of color, being admitted to common public schools.19

Engraving of the 1869 Colored Citizens Convention in Washington, published in Harper’s Weekly (credit Jim Casey Collection)

After championing two bills that died in the state legislature, the committee took their case to the state Supreme Court.20 In the test case of Ward v. Flood, the court upheld the “separate but equal” principle in California school law, but also mandated that Black children be publicly educated, including, if necessary, in white schools.21

With the court’s ruling in hand, the committee began lobbying school districts to abolish “colored schools.” They were helped by the Recession of 1873, during which school districts strapped for funding, opted to enroll Black students rather than fund two separate school systems. By 1875, San Francisco, Oakland, Sacramento, and Vallejo public schools had all been integrated, leaving Petaluma, its school board dominated by Democrats, the lone holdout.22 Thanks to Lippitt, it became a polarizing local issue.

1870 Brooklyn Colored School in Oakland, Mary Sanderson, teacher (photo Oakland History Room)

That same year, Lippitt resigned as county chairman of the Republican Party, and in 1876 launched the Petaluma Courier, a pro-Democratic newspaper. Although he attributed his political conversion to the Republican’s egregious treatment of the South during Reconstruction, it also came on the heels of his defeat in the Republican primary for county district attorney.23 (Republican party officials may have also discovered that Lippitt fled to California from Cincinnati in 1862 while under indictment for embezzlement).24

As editor of the Courier, Lippitt initiated a newspaper war with Weston’s Petaluma Argus, labeling it a “negro-worshipping sheet” for its support of integrating Black students into white schools.25

The skirmish went viral, drawing ridicule in Republican newspapers from San Francisco (“an ante-rebellion spirit of caste is still alive and dominate in Petaluma”) to Pennsylvania (“a great blotch on the face of human progress”).26

Lippitt also renounced his support of the 15th Amendment, accusing northern carpetbaggers of subjecting the South to “the rule of the most ignorant races of servile men” in giving Blacks the vote while denying the same right to former Confederate officers. He maintained that it would take generations for Blacks to be sufficiently educated to vote.27

During the 1876 U.S. presidential election, Lippitt threw his support behind the Democratic candidate, Samuel J. Tilden, even though his Republican opponent, Rutherford B. Hayes, was someone Lippitt had worked with before the Civil War as a young lawyer in Cincinnati, Ohio, where Hayes served as city solicitor.28

After a contested election, Hayes assumed the presidency in return for agreeing to withdraw federal troops from the South and end Reconstruction. That same year, the United States Supreme Court struck down the Enforcement Acts protecting the 15th Amendment, ruling that voting rights were best-regulated by state authorities without federal intervention. The two actions led to a series of “Jim Crow” restriction laws that disenfranchised the Black voters for decades.29

President Rutherford B. Hayes (photo courtesy of WhiteHouse.gov)

In 1880, President Hayes paid a visit Petaluma, lunching at Lippitt’s home, even though Lippitt had publicly denounced him as “rotten, low, mean, and sneaking.”30 That same year, the California legislature outlawed the state’s “separate but equal” educational policy. By that time, most of Petaluma’s Black population had departed for more supportive communities in Vallejo and Oakland, leaving just one student enrolled in the town’s “colored school.”31

George Miller did not live to see this legislative triumph he had long fought for. In the fall of 1873, at the age of 48, he died unexpectedly while preparing for a Colored Convention in Sacramento on education.32

*****

A version of this article appeared in the Sonoma Historian.

FOOTNOTES:

1“Celebration of Our Colored Citizens,” Petaluma Journal & Argus, April 9, 1870.
2Gary Dauphin, “On February 26, 1869, Congress Sent the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution to the States for Ratification,” California African American Museum, caamuseum.com, February 26, 2020. https://caamuseum.org/learn/600state/black-history/february-26-1869-congress-sends-15th-amendment-to-constitution-states; Melissa De Witte, “What Did ‘All Men Are Created Equal’ Mean in 1776?” Futurity.com, July 2, 2020. https://www.futurity.org/all-men-are-created-equal-2397112-2/
3Charles Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), p. 25.
4“Segregation and John Swett,” Southern California Quarterly, 1964, Vol. 46 (1), pp. 69-82; Charles Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975. (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1976), p. 25; “Trip to Petaluma,” Pacific Appeal, January 30, 1864.
5“Trip to Petaluma,” Pacific Appeal, January 30, 1864; “An Autobiography of Edward Spaulding Lippitt,” edited by Lee Torliatt (Santa Rosa: Sonoma County Historical Society), p.42.
6Herbert G. Ruffin II, “The Conventions of Colored Citizens of the State of California (1855-1865),” February 9, 2009. BlackPast.com; The Elevator: “Masonic Notice,” December 21, 1872; “Died,” October 25, 1873; Sharon McGriff-Payne, John Grider’s Century: African Americans in Solano, Napa, and Sonoma Counties from 1845 to 1925 (iUniverse, 2009), p. 42.
7Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing, 1919) p. 146.
8Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p.133. Ovando James Hollister, Life of Schuyler Colfax (Funk & Wagnalls, 1886) p. 257; Schuyler Colfax, 17th Vice President (1869-1873), https://www.senate.gov/about/officers-staff/vice-president/VP_Schuyler_Colfax.htm.; Schuyler Colfax Journals, “Across the continent by overland stage in 1865,” BYU Library Digital Collections, p. 21; “Personal,” Petaluma Argus, July 6, 1865.
9Petaluma Journal & Argus: “Woe is Me, Alhama,” April 16, 1870; “The ‘Democrat’ on Negro Registration,” April 23, 1870.
10“Attorney General,” Petaluma Journal & Argus, April 23, 1870; Ralph E. Shaffer, “California Reluctantly Implements the Fifteenth Amendment: White Californians Respond to Black Suffrage, March – June 1870,” Cal Poly Pomona, p.42, https://www.cpp.edu/class/history/faculty/documents/shaffer15thamend.pdf.
11Shafer, p. 94.
12Shafer, p.69; “1870 Sonoma County Census,” Johnson’s New Universal Cyclopedia, 1876, p. 721; 1870 Census, Ninth Census of the United States, Vol. 4 (Ohio State University, 1872), p. 129.
13Petaluma Journal & Argus: “We Bow,” April 16, 1870; “They Voted,” April 23, 1870; “The Colored Vote,” April 30, 1870; “Professor E. S. Lippitt,” Sonoma Democrat, April 23, 1870.
14“A House Divided Against Itself,” Petaluma Journal & Argus, April 23, 1870; “Enjoying Their ‘Rights,’” Sonoma Democrat, April 23, 1870; Shafer, p. 94.
15“The Fifteenth Amendments,” Petaluma Journal & Argus, April 23, 1870.
16Shafer, pp. 65-67; Kianna Wright, “The Enforcement Act of 1870 (1870-1871),” December 11, 2019. Blackpast.com. https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/the-enforcement-act-of-1870-1870-1871/
17Petaluma Journal & Argus: “The Railroad Subsidy,” June 11, 1870; “The Railroad,” June 18, 1870; “Railroad Election Returns,” June 18, 1870; “Great Register, Sonoma County, 1870,” California, U.S., Voter Registers, 1866-1898. Ancestry.com.
18“A Splendid Testimonial,” Petaluma Journal & Argus, June 25, 1870.
19Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) pgs. 178-179.
20The Elevator: “Educational Public Meeting at Bethel Church,” April 27, 1872; Address of the Educational Committee, May 11, 1872.
21Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 180-182; “1874 Ward V. Flood, Blackpast.org, https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ward-v-flood-1874/
22Delilah Leontium Beasley, The Negro Trail Blazers of California (Los Angeles: Times Mirror Printing,1919) p. 180-182; Jo Ann Williamson, Lori Rhodes, Michael Dunson, “Chapter 7 A Selected History of Social Justice in Education,” Review of Research in Education, November 15, 2016, Vol. 31 (1), pp. 195–224; “1874 Ward V. Flood,” Blackpast.org, https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ward-v-flood-1874/
23“Temperance Convention,” Petaluma Argus, July 9, 1875.
24“The Grand Jury,” Daily Ohio Statesman, April 26, 1862; “Young and Pure—More of it,” The Cadiz Sentinel, April 2, 1862.
25“The Negro School,” Petaluma Courier, April 5, 1877.
26Petaluma Argus: “Our ‘Colored Schools,’” December 22, 1876; “Educational Items,” August 13, 1875; “Our Colored School,” August 11, 1876; “A Pennsylvania Opinion,” May 18, 1877; “A Pennsylvania Opinion,” May 18, 1876.
27“An Autobiography of Edward Spaulding Lippitt,” edited by Lee Torliatt (Santa Rosa: Sonoma County Historical Society), p. 43; “Reminiscences of a Long Life,” Petaluma Argus,” October 29, 1910.
28Alumni Record of Wesleyan University, Middleton, Conn, 1883, p. 83-84; “Reminiscences of a Long Life,” Petaluma Argus, May 13, 1910.
29Michael Les Benedict, “Southern Democrats in the Crisis of 1876-1877: A Reconsideration of Reunion and Reaction.” Journal of Southern History (1980): 489-524.
30“Democratic Meeting,” Sonoma Democrat, August 18, 1877; “President Hayes in Petaluma,” Petaluma Courier, September 15, 1880.
31“Local Dots,” Petaluma Courier, July 21, 1880.
32“Deaths: George Miller,” Pacific Appeal, October 25, 1873.

Petaluma’s Renaissance Man

Good and evil, smart but ignorant, compassionate yet unsympathetic, honorable as well as ignoble, a man of many professions and passions.

Edward S. Lippitt at his office in the Mutual Relief Building, Kentucky Street and Western Avenue, 1910 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

As farmers, merchants, stock breeders, and ministers descended upon the newly established city of Petaluma in the 1860s, the one thing missing from the growing metropolis was a Renaissance Man—a knowledgeable, educated polymath proficient in a range of different fields, who could help bring Petaluma’s various economic, civic, and religious threads together into a cohesive whole.

In 1863, such a man arrived: Edward Spaulding Lippitt. A theologian, lawyer, educator, newspaper editor, gardener, and politician, he would have a major influence on the town’s moral, educational, and political development, for better or worse, over the next half century.

Born in 1824 on a farm in Woodstock, Connecticut, Lippitt descended from English Puritans who settled Rhode Island in 1630. He exhibited at an early age both the ambition and restlessness that marked the many twists and turns of his adult life. At sixteen he left school to apprentice for two years with a Yale-educated carpenter before entering Yale himself. After one semester, he transferred to Wesleyan University, an all-male Methodist college in Connecticut, lured by a scholarship he received from a family friend.

Lippitt graduated with a Master of Arts degree in 1847. He initially took a job as a school principal in New Hampshire for a year before entering Harvard Law School. He remained at Harvard only one semester before heading to Ohio, where he took a summer job as a surveyor on a new rail line from Cincinnati to Columbus. At the end of the summer, he settled in Cincinnati, accepting a job teaching mathematics and science at Wesleyan Female College.

Wesleyan Female College, Cincinnati, founded 1843 (photo Cincinnati & Hamilton County Public Library)

Lippitt also married in 1848, but lost his wife to cholera less than a year after the wedding. In 1851, he married a second time to Sarah Lewis, daughter of a prominent physician in Monroe, Louisiana, and stepdaughter of H.H. Kavanaugh, a prominent bishop in the Methodist Episcopal Church South, which had spilt from the main church over objections to church’s support of abolition. The couple would go on to have nine children, four of whom died in childhood.

In 1853, Lippitt left Wesleyan Female College to open his own school in Cincinnati, which he called Professor Lippitt’s Scientific and Classical Institute. It closed within a year. In 1854, after being ordained a deacon in the Methodist Episcopal Church, he was appointed principal of the Boys Classical School in Cincinnati, as well as board secretary of the newly established Methodist Spring Mountain Seminary.

After immersing himself in an independent study of law books, he was admitted to the bar in Ohio, a common practice for many lawyers at the time. He followed up with an apprenticeship as a junior partner at the Cincinnati law firm of Probasco, Lippitt & Ward. In 1859, after the law firm’s senior partner died, he was hired by Cincinnati’s city solicitor, Rutherford B. Hayes, as assistant city solicitor. A strident reformer, Lippitt also became politically active in the abolitionist wing of Ohio’s newly established Republican Party.

Hayes, who would later be elected Ohio governor in 1868 and U.S. president in 1876, was voted out of office as city solicitor in the spring of 1861 just as the Civil War was starting, and soon after joined the Union Army. Lippitt chose to stay in Cincinnati, securing a new position with the post office.

Rutherford B. Hayes, Cincinnati City Solicitor, 1850s

In 1862, he was indicted for embezzlement after allegedly opening letters in the post and stealing money from them. Lippitt posted a $1,500 bail, but forfeited it, fleeing Cincinnati with his wife and children before the trial. He was reportedly seen making his way to Oregon, but instead, after a wagon train ride across the country, ended up in Sacramento, California, where, at the local Methodist Episcopal church, he ran into a minister he knew from college who offered him a job teaching mathematics at the University of the Pacific, a Methodist college in Santa Clara.

After a year in Santa Clara, Lippitt was hired in July 1863 as the second superintendent of the newly established public school system in Petaluma. Tax-funded since 1859, the school district consisted of four primary and grammar schools. The main campus was the recently constructed Brick School at the northeast corner of B and Fifth streets. Tasked in part with creating a high school curriculum for students in the growing city, one of the initial controversial issues Lippitt faced was educating Black students.

Petaluma Brick School, northeast corner of B and Sixth streets, built 1860 (photo Sonoma County Historical & Genealogy Library)

In 1864, a new California state law required that public school districts provide funding for “separate but equal” schools for children of color. Working with the school trustees and leaders of the local Black community, Reverend Peter Killingsworth of the local African Methodist Episcopal Church and George W. Miller, a barbershop owner, Lippitt hired a young Black teacher from San Francisco named Rachel Coursey, and rented out a house on Washington Street as a school for Black students.

A skilled and forceful orator, Lippitt also played a prominent role in Petaluma’s early religious community. Shortly after his arrival, he was appointed superintendent of the Sunday School program at the Methodist Episcopal Church, the city’s largest Protestant congregation, then located at the northwest corner of A and Fourth streets. He also served as the interim minister at the Congregational Church for ten months.

In 1864, in addition to his job as school superintendent, Lippitt was appointed to a two-year term as pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During his tenure, Rev. Lippitt oversaw the construction of a new church at the northwest corner of Keller Street and Western Avenue. After his term as pastor ended, he continued to serve as one of the congregation’s elders for decades, teaching Sunday school, giving occasional Sunday sermons, and officiating over weddings and funerals.

Petaluma Methodist Episcopal Church, northwest corner of Keller Street and Western Avenue, built 1867 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

Lippitt also became politically active in the Radical Republican Party, including serving as chairman of the Sonoma County Republican Party. Nationally, the Radical Republicans, led by Christian reformers like Lippitt, had focused largely on abolishing slavery and establishing civil rights for former slaves. Following the Civil War they dominated Congress, setting the terms for Reconstruction of the South, as well as securing the presidential election of Ulysses S. Grant in 1868.

In March 1867, Lippitt announced plans to run for State Superintendent of Public Schools, challenging the Republican incumbent, John Swett. He lined up as backers two powerful state Republicans, George Gorham, who was running for governor that year, and U.S. Congressman Cornelius Cole, a former classmate from Wesleyan University who was running for the U.S. Senate.

At the annual conference of the Sonoma County teachers that summer, Lippitt, in his sometimes haughty manner, announced that, if elected state school superintendent, he would use his influence to adopt the Protestant Bible as a textbook in public schools. His announcement was met with an outcry from attendees. Some opposed using such a holy text in a secular setting. Others objected to the use of a Protestant Bible in schools attended by Catholic and Jewish students.

In response, Lippitt lashed out at Catholics at the conference, specifically Irish Catholics, then California’s largest immigrant body, alleging that statistics showed crime to be more rife in Catholic countries due, in his opinion, to their lack of access to “a free and open bible.” After being publicly rebuked by Sonoma County’s School Superintendent Rev. C.G. Ames, Lippitt lost the backing of Gorham and Cole in his campaign for the state race, and withdrew his bid.

Professor Lippitt’s Scientific and Classical Institute, D Street, built 1868 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

A month later, Lippitt resigned from his position as Petaluma Public School Superintendent and announced plans to build a new private high school in town. Professor Lippitt’s Scientific and Classical Institute he stated, would be Christian in nature, but not sectarian, and designed to prepare students for universities, the ministry, and other professions. Lippitt opened the school in the fall of 1867 in the temporary quarters of Brier’s Church on Third Street (now Petaluma Boulevard South) near C Street.

A year later, he trumpeted the grand opening of a handsome new Gothic Revival Style schoolhouse on D Street between Sixth and Seventh streets, then at the edge of town. Debt-financed, the school cost $7,000 ($126,000 in early 21st century currency). It extended from D to E streets, and sat only half a block from the Gothic Revival Style house Lippitt had recently built for his own family at the southwest corner of D and Sixth streets.

Lippitt home, southwest corner of Sixth & D streets, built 1860s; just before being demolished in 1966 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

In February of 1870, Lippitt was invited to deliver the keynote address at a gathering celebrating the ratification of the 15th Amendment that provided Black men with the right to vote. The event was hosted by Petaluma’s Black militia, the Colfax Guard, named for the abolitionist and U.S. vice-president Schuyler Colfax, and led by local Black leader Captain George W. Miller. A few months after the celebration, Miller led a delegation of Black residents to Lippitt’s home, where after serenading him in gratitude for his advocacy of civil rights, they presented him with two silver tablespoons featuring a medallion of Lady Liberty with his inscribed initials.

A month later, in June of 1870, Lippitt was forced to closed down his private high school due to under enrollment. That fall, the school was taken over by Petaluma’s former school principal Abigail Haskell and her teaching colleague Tracy Mott, who renamed it the Petaluma Home Institute. Their institute only lasted a year before it too closed its doors. In 1873, the Petaluma School District purchased the building in a foreclosure sale for $3,800 to use as its first public high school campus. As they set about remodeling it, they incurred bitter criticism from Lippitt for “turning a tolerably fine building into a mongrel” at an unnecessary cost to taxpayers.

The Petaluma Argus office, McCune Building, northeast corner of Main and Washington streets, 1877 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

With his bank account drained, Lippitt took a part time job as associate editor of the Petaluma Argus, a weekly Republican newspaper run by Henry L. Weston. He also opened up a legal practice on the side at the Argus building at Washington and Main streets. Soon after hiring Lippitt, Weston departed on a six-month sojourn to the East Coast with his family, leaving Lippitt in charge of the newspaper. He wasted no time employing the pages of the Argus to settle old scores with his Republican friends, including Cornelius Cole, who had been elected to the Senate in 1867, and George Gorham, who, after losing the governor’s race that year, took a job in Washington as secretary of the U.S. Senate.

Lippitt’s quarrel with the men extended back to the fall of 1869. Then chairman of the Sonoma County Republican Party, Lippitt lobbied Senator Cole to nominate a local candidate to what was then a federal appointment as attorney general of California. When word came that Cole was instead planning to nominate Santa Rosa attorney L.D. Latimer, Lippitt wrote to Cole, accusing Latimer of being someone who spent his earnings at the bar and the gambling table. After an initial public flurry, during which Lippitt’s charge was widely disputed, Latimer was appointed state attorney general and Lippitt’s “dirty trick” became the subject of an expose by the Washington correspondent for the San Francisco Chronicle, a Republican newspaper.

Livid, Lippitt went after Cole and Gorham in his Argus editorials, accusing them of being “pot house politicians” who were misrepresenting the Republican Party in Washington. He also accused the Chronicle’s correspondent of slander. The correspondent in turn sued Lippitt and the Argus, asking for $5,000 ($100,000 in early 21st century currency) in damages to his reputation. When Weston returned from his East Coast journey, he promptly published an apology to the Chronicle’s correspondent and asked for Lippitt’s resignation from the newspaper, after which the lawsuit was dropped.

Henry L. Weston, editor and owner of the Petaluma Argus, 1869 to 1887 (photo Petlauma Argus-Courier)

After being fired from the Argus, Lippitt focused his attention on building a law practice specialized in deeds, mortgages, and leases. In 1873, he was appointed both the city’s notary public and its legal solicitor, two positions he held concurrently with his private practice until 1881.

To help restore his finances and expand his business network, he joined the boards of a number of local business enterprises, including the Mutual Relief Association, Petaluma’s largest insurance company; the Sonoma and Marin Railroad Company, a venture originally formed by a group of wealthy Petaluma capitalists that was sold to Peter Donahue, owner of the San Francisco and North Pacific Railway, who finished laying the tracks to San Rafael and Tiburon; and the Sonoma Marin District Agricultural Society, established in 1867 to promote advances in farming and sponsor the annual county fair, where Lippitt’s roses, fuchsias, and fruits were regular contest winners.

Fairgrounds of the Sonoma Marin Agricultural Society on Fair Street, 1873 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

In a demonstration of his broad talents, Lippitt was also commissioned by the city in 1876 to create a landscape design of trees and flowers for the newly established D Street Plaza, later renamed Walnut Park, which they never implemented, leaving the site a grazing lot for livestock for another two decades. A bibliophile with reportedly the largest private book collection in the area, he was a strong advocate of public libraries. In 1867, he helped create a library in the Odd Fellows Lodge that was open to the public for a membership fee.

After San Francisco passed an act in 1867 allowing the city to levy taxes for a public library, Lippitt submitted a proposed amendment to the state legislature that would extend the act to all incorporated California cities. After the amendment known as the Roger’s Act passed, a public library was established in Petaluma’s city hall, using books donated from the Odd Fellows library. Appointed a lifetime director and trustee of the library, Lippitt became a regular speaker in their annual lecture series, and in 1904 was given the honor of laying of the cornerstone of the new Carnegie Free Public Library at B and Fourth streets.

Petaluma Carnegie Library, 4th and B streets, built 1904 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

But it was in the political realm that he sought to make his biggest impact. Following the onset of a financial recession in 1873 and a number of financial scandals in the Grant administration, the Republican Party began to splinter, and in 1874 lost control of Congress to the Democrats. Despite his fallout with Senator Cole and Senate Secretary Gorham, Lippitt remained actively engaged in the Republican Party as a member of the State Central Committee, and ran in the 1875 Republican primary for country district attorney, but lost.

After his defeat, he underwent a political conversion to the Democratic Party, denouncing the Republicans as having “degenerated into a vast machine for the manufacture of all that is evil.” Joining the Democratic State Central Committee chaired by railroad baron Peter Donahue, he barnstormed the state for the Democrats during the 1876 presidential election, speaking in his usual fiery style as a former Republican insider who now regarded Reconstruction “the greatest crime of the nineteenth century.”

Renouncing his abolition beliefs, Lippitt called former slaves in the South the “lowest in scale of civilization and intelligence of any race on this continent . . . cruel and barbarous, whose respect for life is about that of the Chinese.” He accused northern carpetbaggers of subjecting the South to “the rule of the most ignorant races of servile men” by giving Blacks the vote while denying the same right to former Confederate officers, arguing that Blacks should not be given the vote until they were educated to execute it properly, a process he expected might take generations.

As the November presidential election of 1876 drew nearer, Lippitt signed on as the founding editor of the Petaluma Courier, a weekly Democratic newspaper launched by printer William F. Shattuck, whose father, Judge Frank W. Shattuck, was a prominent leader of the Sonoma County Democratic Party. Lippitt wasted no time discrediting Republican presidential candidate Rutherford B. Hayes, claiming to have inside knowledge as Hayes’ former “law partner” in Cincinnati, a claim that Republicans quickly exposed as a lie, noting that he had merely been an assistant solicitor.

Petaluma Courier office, Main Street across from Mary Street, c. 1880s (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

One of the most contentious and controversial presidential elections in American history, the 1876 election was marred by massive fraud, voter suppression, and illegalities on both sides, in the end leaving the deciding electoral votes of four states—Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Oregon—unresolved. With Democrats controlling the House and Republicans the Senate, a congressional commission ended the impasse by crafting an informal deal known as the Compromise of 1877, which awarded the disputed four electoral votes to Hayes, making him president. In return, Republicans agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South and end Reconstruction, which allowed Democrats to impose a series of “Jim Crow” laws, legalizing discrimination and disenfranchising Black voters for the better part of a century.

While Lippitt praised the new Southern policy that President Hayes was forced to implement, he denounced the means by which Hayes came to power as “rotten, low, mean, and sneaking.” It was somewhat surprising then, that when President Hayes and his delegation came to Petaluma in 1880 to visit the agricultural fair, he attended a luncheon reception at Lippitt’s house.

With the end of Reconstruction, Lippitt used the Courier to launch a newspaper war with Henry Weston’s Argus over Petaluma’s “colored school.” The Argus had joined in a Republican campaign of questioning the cost efficiency of maintaining California’s segregated school policy for a relatively small number of Black students, as opposed to integrating those students into the white schools.

The campaign, spearheaded by a group of state Black leaders, including Petaluman George Miller, who convened annually as the Colored Convention, succeeded in convincing the school boards of other cities, including San Francisco, Sacramento, Oakland, and Vallejo, to abolish their “colored schools.” Petaluma, in what the San Francisco Chronicle described as “spirit of caste still alive and dominant,” remained a prominent holdout.

The local newspaper war intensified when it was revealed that a Black barbershop owner named Henry Jones had asked the principal of the white Brick School, Martin E. Cooke Munday, to admit his son, complaining that the boy was receiving a substandard level of instruction at the “colored school.” Lippitt’s Courier reported that Munday, a young leader of the local Democratic Party, had found Jones’ son unqualified for entry to the all-white Brick School. Alternatively, the Argus reported that Munday had privately told Jones that “no colored child” would be admitted as long as he was principal of the school.

Lippitt and the Courier continued to support Petaluma’s “separate but equal” policy until the California legislature finally outlawed such policies in 1880. By that time, most of Petaluma’s Black population had left the city for safer Black communities in Vallejo and Oakland.

Lippitt remained editor of the Courier into the 1880s, employing it as a mouthpiece of the Sonoma Country Democratic Party. He also barnstormed the state on behalf of Democratic candidates, sometimes alongside former school principal Munday, who, after replacing Lippitt as city attorney in 1882, was elected to the state assembly in 1885 before making an unsuccessful run for lieutenant governor.

Lippitt’s son Edward (center), with members of the Lippitt Temperance Club, 1903 (photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

Temperance was another cause Lippitt promoted in the Courier. A member of the Petaluma Temperance Reform Club, he ran a weekly column in the paper called “The WCTU Corner.” Along with his son Edward L. Lippitt, a music teacher, he also formed the Lippitt Temperance Club to teach moral and social values to young men and women in town. Lippitt however drew the line at the WCTU’s early campaign for woman suffrage, writing in the Courier that women petitioning for the right to vote should be “lynched.”

Likewise, when local wheat farmers, many of them former Republican colleagues, formed cooperatives in the mid-1870s as a means of collectively negotiating with grain brokers and railroad monopolies, Lippitt denounced them in the Courier for embracing “communism and socialism.”

Mutual Relief Building, southwest corner of Kentucky Street and Western Avenue, built 1886; pictured in 1966 (photo Sonoma Country History & Genealogy Library)

After relinquishing editorship of the Courier, Lippitt moved his law office in 1886 into the new Mutual Relief Building at the southwest corner of Kentucky Street and Western Avenue, and welcomed his second son Frank to join him in his practice, now called Lippitt and Lippitt. For the first five years, Frank operated a branch office for the firm in San Francisco. He was subsequently appointed to his father’s old position as Petaluma city attorney in 1896, while still continuing to work with his father in their private practice.

Frank Lippitt in the offices of Lippitt & Lippitt, Mutual Relief Building, 1910 (Photo Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library)

By the turn of the century, Lippitt was a fixture around town, bestowed with the title of Petaluma’s “Grand Old Man.” He reported regularly to his office until 1911, when a series of apoplexy attacks left him housebound. Just months before he died at the age of eighty-seven in 1912, he wrote that the most valuable advice he had received in life was from the father of a classmate at Harvard, who as a physician treated Lippitt for a cold in his freshman year.

“Young man,” the physician told him, “God made man with a beard, and placed him in a garden. I will give you a prescription, which if you follow, will ensure you a long life: Let your beard grow, and work in a garden.”

“I have shaved but once since,” Lippitt wrote, “and have always had a garden to work in and to take great delight in its flowers and fruits.”

***

SOURCES SUMMARY

Newspapers

Cadiz Sentinel: “Young and Pure—More of it,” April 2, 1862.

Cincinnati Daily Press: June 2, 1859; June 18, 1859.

Cincinnati Enquirer: Advertisement, September 3, 1853; “Professor Lippitt,” April 21, 1862.

Cloverdale Reveille: “In the Superior Court,” September 28, 1889.

Daily Ohio Statesman: “The Grand Jury,” April 26, 1862.

The Elevator: “Petaluma,” November 1, 1867; “Correspondence of the Elevator,” February 19, 1869.

The Highland Weekly News: “Political Meetings,” September 15, 1859.

Los Angeles Herald: “Prof. Lippitt Speaks,” October 25, 1888.

McArthur Democrat: “You have Tears to Shed,” August 3, 1855.

Petaluma Argus: “The School Festival (J.M. Littlefield superintendent), April 24, 1863; “District School,” July 1, 1863; “M.E. Sabbath School,” October 9, 1863; “Public School,” January 13, 1864; “Resigned,” July 18, 1867; Ad for “High School,” September 26, 1867; “Prof. Lippitt’s Scientific and Classical Institute,” February 6, 1868; “Commencement,” August 20, 1868; “Grand Union Meeting,” September 10, 1868; “Republican County Convention” July 8, 1869; “Appointed,” December 18, 1869; “An Unprovoked Slander,” January 1, 1870; “Flag Presentation,” January 1, 1870; “Celebration,” February 28, 1870; “We Bow,” April 16, 1870; “Going East,” May 23, 1870; “Personal,” October 8, 1870; “We Bow,” April 16, 1870; “Two Dead Ducks,” April 23, 1870; “Going East,” May 23, 1870; “The Levee,” June 4, 1870; “A Splendid Testimony,” June 25, 1870; “Personal,” October 8, 1870; Ad for “E.S. Lippitt, Attorney and Counselor at Law,” October 8, 1870; “Petaluma Home Institute,” December 17, 1870; Advertisement for E.S. Lippitt, Notary Public, February 10, 1873; “Farmers Club,” April 1, 1873; “City Attorney,” May 13, 1873; “The Fair,” October 11, 1873; “To Be or Not to Be,” June 26, 1874; “The Fair,” September 18, 1874; “Board of Directors,” November 20, 1874; “Temperance Convention,” July 9, 1875; “Our Plazas,” January 28, 1876; “The Negro School,” April 5, 1877; “Personalities,” August 31, 1877; “How is This?” August 24, 1877; “The Election,” April 11, 1878; “Sonoma and Marin Railroad,” July 5, 1878; “Temperance Lecture,” June 6, 1879; “Who Has Lied,” October 25, 1884; “The Public Schools,” November 7, 1893; “History of the Local Library,” June 10, 1904; “Eighty Candles Adorn His Birthday Cake,” September 14, 1904; “Petaluma’s Grand Old Man Passes Another Milestone,” September 17, 1909; “Reminiscences of a Long Life”: May 13, 1910, September 2, 1910, October 3, 1910, October 29, 1910, June 10, 1911, June 17, 1911.

Petaluma Argus-Courier: “Newspaper Completes Century,” August 17, 1955; “Ed Mannion’s Rear-View Mirror,” December 17, 1960; “Argus-Courier Celebrates 160 years of Chronicling Petaluma’s History,” September 24, 2015;

Petaluma Courier: “The Tilden Troopers,” November 9, 1876; “Petition for Woman Suffrage,” December 28, 1876; “The Result Secured,” December 28, 1876; “The Colored School,” April, 12, 1877; “Letter from a Citizen,” April 19, 1877; “The Election,” September 6, 1877; “President Hayes in Petaluma,” September 15, 1880; “Death of Bishop Kavanaugh,” March 19, 1884; Lippitt Attorney at Law advertisement, January 20, 1886; “A Lively Meeting,” October 19, 1896; “The L.T.C. held . . .” January 23, 1897; “Organized a New Chapter,” January 18, 1902; “The L.T.C.” January 29, 1903; “Prof. E.L. Lippitt and his L.T.C. . . .” August 14, 1907; “E.S. Lippitt Again Ill,” November 22, 1911; “E.S. Lippitt Better,” July 24, 1911; “Death of E.S. Lippitt,” May 3, 1912.

San Francisco Chronicle: “How Latimer’s Appointment Came,” December 24, 1869; “Another of His Public Statements Proved False,” November 6, 1873;

San Francisco Examiner: “In the Assembly,” January 28, 1884

Sonoma Democrat: “Teacher’s Institute,” June 1, 1867; “The Bible in the Public Schools,” June 8, 1867; “Schoolmasters Abroad,” June 8, 1867; “Sunday Laws,” August 24, 1867; “A Bigot,” October 2, 1867; April 23, 1870; “Two Dead Ducks,” April 30, 1870; “Law Suit,” August 27, 1870; “Law Suit Dismissed,” October 29, 1870; “Apology,” November 5, 1870; “E.S. Lippitt Resigns,” November 12, 1870; “Democratic Meeting,” August 18, 1877;

Books, Journals, Websites, Archival Records

“Alumni Record of Wesleyan University,” Middleton, Conn, 1883, p. 83-84.

Michael Les Benedict, “Southern Democrats in the Crisis of 1876-1877: A Reconsideration of Reunion and Reaction.” Journal of Southern History (1980): 489-524.

D. Michael Bottoms, An Aristocracy of Color: Race and Reconstruction in California and the West, 1850-1890 (University of Oklahoma Press, 2013), pp. 55–59.

Tom Gregory, “Biography of Edward S. Lippitt,” History of Sonoma County, California (Los Angeles: Historic Record Company, 1911.

History of the Bench and Bar: Being Biographies of Many Remarkable Men . . ., edited by Oscar Tully Shuck (Commercial Printing House, 1901), p. 533-534.

Ari Hoogenboom, Rutherford Hayes: Warrior and President (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1995), p. 114.

E.S. Lippitt, Autobiography of Edward Spaulding Lippitt, edited by Lee Torliatt (Santa Rosa: Sonoma County Historical Society), pp. 1, 41, 43.

J.P. Munro-Fraser, History of Sonoma County (Allen, Bowen, & Co., 1880), p. 328. “Petaluma Township, Part 3 1880.”

Catherine Coffin Phillips, Cornelius Cole, California Pioneer (San Francisco, 1929)

Katherine Rinehart, Petaluma: A History in Architecture (Arcadia Publishing, 2005); Petaluma Argus: An

Willoughby Rodman, History of the Bench and Bar of Southern California (California, W.J. Porter, 1909) p. 208.

“Woman Suffrage Petition, 1870,” Sonoma County History & Genealogy Library.
.

Petaluma’s “Colored School”

109 Howard Street, site of the African Methodist Episcopal Church 1867-1885 (photo by Scott Hess)

On the afternoon of May 10, 1871, Constable Frank Adel was scouring the streets of Petaluma for registered voters to call to jury duty. Passing by the barbershop of George W. Miller, he noticed Miller taking a break. On his voter rolls, Adel saw that Miller was one of the fifteen local African American men who, thanks to ratification of the 15th Amendment the year before, had registered to vote. Deciding to put the new amendment to the test, Adel summoned Miller to jury duty.

Upon entering the courtroom, Miller was greeted by gasps from fellow jurors. “N— in the pit,” one of them shouted, “put him out!” After a few preliminary questions from the deputy district attorney, Miller was issued a peremptory challenge and sent back to his barbershop.

For those hoping the 15th Amendment would fully enfranchise African Americans, Miller’s experience was an early wake-up call, one that continues to resonate to this day, as a number of states prepare for the upcoming 2020 election by purging their voter rolls in order to whittle down members of groups like African Americans. Such purges have become common since 2013, when the Supreme Court rolled back many of the protections of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 meant to protect African Americans from the sort of deterrents George Miller faced on his day in court.

In selecting Miller for his jury test, Constable Adel undoubtedly knew he was choosing one of the leaders of Petaluma’s small Black community. A native of New Jersey, Miller moved to town with his wife and two infant children in 1855, opening up the Humboldt Shaving & Hair Dressing Saloon on Main Street for a white clientele. The shop thrived, but Miller was interested in more than just providing a close shave and a good haircut.

In the fall of 1855, he set off for Sacramento as Sonoma County’s sole representative at the first state Convention of Colored Citizens. Although California had entered the Union as a free, non-slave state, California’s early legislature enacted a number restrictions against people of color, including the rights to vote and to attend publicly-funded schools. With mixed success, members of the California Colored Convention—a who’s who of prominent African Americans—lobbied elected officials over the years to rescind the restrictions.

The California legislature voted against ratifying the 14th Amendment, which granted African Americans citizenship, and also against the 15th Amendment, which granted them voting rights. These rights were not extended in California until the two amendments were ratified nationwide, the 14th in 1868 and the 15th in 1870. (California, in fact, didn’t ratify either amendment until the civil rights era of the 1960s).

As public schools were prohibited from admitting “Negroes and Mongolians” under the threat of losing their funding, Blacks were forced to establish their own schools, which is what George Miller did in January, 1864, pooling resources with other Blacks living in Petaluma to rent out a small house on Washington Street, furnish it with seats and desks, and hire a young Black teacher from San Francisco named Mrs. Rachel Coursey. Half of the eight students attending the school were children of George Miller.

Richard “Hoodie” Miller, son of George Miller, who attended the “Colored School”

Two months after Miller’s school opened, California’s Supreme Court ruled that public school districts were required to provide “separate but equal” schools for Blacks. After Miller secured funding from Rev. Edward S. Lippitt, Petaluma’s Superintendent of Public Schools, Petaluma joined six other cities—San Francisco, Sacramento, Marysville, San Jose, and Stockton—in having a publicly-funded “colored school.”

The “colored schools” provided limited and inferior education by design. Members of the Colored Convention succeeded by 1875 in convincing five of the cities to integrate their white schools. The lone holdout was Petaluma, which refused school integration until the state legislature finally mandated it in 1880. Sadly, George Miller did not live to see that day, having died unexpectedly in 1873.

Before his death, Miller celebrated the nation’s ratification of the 15th Amendment in 1870 by leading the Colfax Guard, a local Black militia he had formed, in a public 30-gun salute—one gun for each state ratifying the amendment—followed by an address from Rev. Edward S. Lippitt. Years later, Lippitt retracted his support of the 15th Amendment, contending that African Americans shouldn’t have been granted the vote until they had been properly educated to execute it, a process he believed would take generations.

Such racist attitudes remind us why, on the 150th anniversary of the 15th Amendment’s ratification this month, the fight George Miller and other Petaluma Blacks waged for full enfranchisement continues, generations later.

A version of this article appeared in the Petaluma Argus-Courier January 16, 2020.