A Bend in the Road: the Legacy of Columbus Tustin

1870 map of Petaluma (image in the public domain)

Petaluma’s first death was by potatoes. In the fall of 1851, a farmer named Shirley was thrown from the wagon load of potatoes he was driving to the potato warehouse near today’s Washington Street Bridge, and crushed beneath its wheels.1

At the time, Petaluma was just coming into existence. The year before, meat hunter Tom Lockwood set up camp at an abandoned Miwok trading village called Lekituit (today’s Cedar Grove) for shipping game to gold rush San Francisco. By the time of Shirley’s death, the encampment had expanded to include a couple of trading posts, a handful of rustic cabins, the potato warehouse, and a combination general store, dining hall, and hostel operated by a disappointed miner from Missouri named George H. Keller.2

Shirley’s death occurred just north of the camp, at what is today the intersection of Petaluma Boulevard North and Skillman Lane. Keller and Lockwood, along with a young man named Columbus Tustin, dug a grave on the hillside of what would become Penry Park, where Keller read the service while the other men laid Shirley to rest in a rough coffin they fashioned out of redwood.3

A few months later, in January 1852, Keller set out to turn the camp into a real town. Staking an illegal squatter’s claim to 158 acres of the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio, a 13,000-acre, privately-owned Mexican land grant, he hired John A. Brewster to survey and plat a town of 40 acres, extending west from the creek to Liberty Street, north to Oak Street, and south to A Street. Keller called it Petaluma.4

After selling off the lots to a growing influx of new settlers, most of them failed gold miners like himself, Keller returned with the proceeds to his farm in Missouri (where, two years later, he became one of the founders of Leavenworth, the first town in Kansas Territory).5

1855 map of Petaluma (Sonoma County Library)

Back in Petaluma, the potato boom went bust and much of the wild game was bagged within a year of Keller’s departure. But thanks to the continued growth of hungry San Francisco and to the steady stream of farmers settling in the area, Petaluma quickly became Sonoma County’s primary shipping port for an ever-expanding variety of agricultural goods.6

Soon after Keller’s departure, 26-year old Columbus Tustin decided to embark upon one of the first extensions of the downtown development, surveying and platting a subdivision he called Tustin’s Addition, that extended from First to Eighth streets, and A to F streets. He followed Keller’s example of positioning his street grid parallel to the Petaluma Creek (renamed the Petaluma River in 1959).7

However, Tustin aligned his grid with a different stretch of the creek, one just south of today’s Turning Basin, placing it at roughly a 45-degree angle to Keller’s grid. Then, instead of extending the street names designated by Keller, he adopted his own sequence of numbers and letters for street names, creating a disjunction where the streets of the two developments met.

1877 Map featuring Tustin’s Addition, extending from A to F streets, and First to Eighth streets (Thos. H. Thompson, Map of Sonoma County, 1877; Sonoma County Library)

Keller’s Kentucky Street (which he named for his native state, a common street naming strategy at the time) turned into Tustin’s Fourth Street; Keller Street (which Keller named for himself) into Fifth; Liberty Street into Sixth; and Main Street into Third (the two streets were combined in 1958 under the name Petaluma Boulevard, with a north and south designation).8

Just as Keller had centered his development around Main Street Plaza (today’s Penry Park)—marking the spot where Shirley was buried—Tustin did the same with the creation of D Street Plaza (renamed Walnut Park in 1896).9

Postcard of Walnut Park, circa early 1900s (postcard photo in public domain)

Tustin also deeded the northeast corner of Fifth and B streets to the town for its first public educational institution, the Bowers School, which was replaced in 1860 by the Brick School, and in 1911 by Lincoln School (converted later to an office building).10

Petaluma’s Brick School at the northeast corner of B and Fourth Streets (Sonoma County Library)

Unlike Keller, Tustin chose to stay in Petaluma, partly because he had come to town with his extended family. He built a home in the heart of Tustin’s Addition, at the southwest corner of Fourth and C streets (no longer standing).11

Born in Philadelphia and raised in Illinois, Tustin came west across the plains in 1847 with his parents and eight siblings. The family went first to Oregon, and then to the gold rush town of Sacramento, before settling in 1851 in the Two Rock Valley. By that time, the hardships of the frontier had taken the lives of Tustin’s mother and two of his siblings.12 Following the creation of Tustin’s Addition, the Tustin family members moved into town.

In 1855, Tustin’s father Samuel opened a lumber supply business in a fireproof stone warehouse, later known as “Steamboat Warehouse,” at the southeast corner B and Second streets, adjacent to the creek.13 Across the street from warehouse, Tustin’s sister Barbara Ann and her husband Joshua Lewis owned and operated the railroad depot for Charles Minturn’s Petaluma & Haystack Landing Railroad.

Despite being the third rail line in the state at the time, the tracks extended only two-and-a-half miles south of town to the deeper waters of Haystack Landing, where Minturn’s larger passenger steamboat could dock (Joshua Lewis was killed in an infamous explosion of Minturn’s steam locomotive at the depot in 1866, along with three other people, after which Minturn used draft horses to drawn the railcars along the track).14

Two of Tustin’s brothers, John and William, became successful inventors of farm machinery, including a self-regulating windmill, a grain reaper, and a gang plow that turned multiple furrows at a time. Their inventions proved popular during the California wheat boom that began in the mid-1850s, spurred by wheat demand first in Australia and New Zealand, and Europe during the Civil War. The boom continued into the 1870s, serving as the main driver of Petaluma’s river town prosperity, thanks to local industrious grain merchants like John A. McNear and his brother George Washington McNear, who was anointed in the 1880s as California’s “Wheat King.” 15

Columbus Tustin, 1870s (photo courtesy of the Tustin Area Historical Society)

Columbus however proved the most successful of the enterprising Tustin clan. In addition to Tustin’s Addition, in the 1850s he developed one of Petaluma’s first large-scale nurseries, initially comprising 80 acres west of town at today’s Western Avenue and Chapman Lane. Comprising 75,000 grafted fruit trees, Tustin’s Orchard won the prize for best nursery at the 1860 Sonoma County Agricultural and Mechanical Fair.16

By that time, the restless Tustin was already looking for new opportunities. Sales in Tustin’s Addition were slow. Property buyers appeared to prefer the north side of town, its hills less prone to winter flooding. Then there was the uncertainty of clear property titles given the legal battle over ownership of the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio. It hung over Petaluma like a dark cloud.

In 1851, Congress passed the California Land Act, subjecting all Mexican land grant claims to the review of a Land Commission. By then, nearly half of California’s 813 land grants, comprising the best farming and ranching land in the state, had fallen into the hands of either American speculators or else American settlers who married into Mexican families.17

1860 U.S. survey map of Mexican Land Grants within 40 miles of San Francisco (map by Lander Ransom, Bancroft Library)

Ownership of the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio was, like a number of the grants, cloudy. Originally awarded in 1838 to Antonio Ortega, General Mariano Vallejo’s major-domo in secularizing the Sonoma mission, the rancho had competing claim that read like a potboiler novel.

The same year he received the grant, Ortega entered into what appears to have been an arranged marriage with a woman 40 years his junior, Francisca Miranda, the 18-year old daughter of Juan Miranda, who had preceded Ortega as major-domo of the Sonoma mission before it was secularized in 1834.

By Mexican law, grantees were required to make the rancho their primary, actively improved the land with livestock grazing or crop cultivation, and not move out of Alta California. Ortega broke all three conditions.18

Leaving the occupation and running of the ranch to his father-in-law, Ortega, a notorious sexual predator, remained for the most part in Sonoma, where he operated a liquor store of the square. In 1843, soon after discovering his young pregnant wife had been having an affair, Ortega departed for Oregon on a cattle drive to make some money. He was gone for four years.

During that time, his father-in-law made his own claim to the land grant, asserting that Ortega had abandoned the property. Miranda died however before his claim was signed by the Mexican governor.19

Excerpt of 1860 U.S. Survey land grant map with Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio listed as “Miranda Rancho” (map by Lander Ransom, Bancroft Library)

When Ortega returned from Oregon in 1847, he turned over his claim to a Jesuit priest in exchange for educating his children at a school the priest was looking to build. The priest subsequently sold the claim to an American speculator, who died soon after filing his claim with the Land Commission. In 1853, the man’s wife sold the claim to James Stuart of San Francisco.20

Stuart soon discovered the competing claim, which had been filed by Thomas B. Valentine, a 22-year old speculator who purchased Miranda’s unsigned claim from his family in 1850, what many believe was a private rather than a public auction, as it was never advertised. That belief was supported by the fact that Valentine sold off portions of the rancho to his attorney, the court administrator, and the probate judge who approved the sale.21

Valentine ad in the July 23, 1852 edition of the Daily Alta California

After comparing notes, Stuart and Valentine became concerned that the weaknesses of their respective claims might cancel each other out before the Land Commission. They decided to cut a deal. Valentine agreed to withdraw his claim in exchange for a percentage of the subdivision sales Stuart made from the land grant.22

In 1855, the Land Commission approved Stuart’s claim to the rancho.23 He immediately opened a real estate office in Petaluma and began placing notices in the local newspaper, alerting residents of their need to purchase a bonafide deed from Stuart, regardless of whatever bogus deeds they held from Keller, Tustin, or any of the other squatter developers in town.24

Illustration of James Stuart (San Francisco Call, November 18, 1893)

Stuart’s claim applied only to the west side of town. The land east of the creek was part of the 66,000-acre Rancho Petaluma land grant awarded to Mariano Vallejo. In 1853, Vallejo sold 327 acres of what became early East Petaluma to a settler named Tom Hopper, who would go on to become a prominent banker and one the largest landowners in the county.25

More than 200 Petaluma residents paid Stuart an average of $350 ($10,000 in today’s currency) for their lots, resulting in a total take of $70,000 ($2 million in today’s currency).26 Tustin, it appears, partnered in purchasing unsold lots in Tustin’s Addition with Isaac Wickersham, a Pennsylvania lawyer who settled in Petaluma in 1853. Wickersham would go on to become a major land developer and banker, establishing Petaluma’s first bank in 1865.27

Illustration of Thomas B. Valentine (San Francisco Examiner, October 28, 1898)

Although Stuart split his Petaluma earnings down the middle with Valentine, the division of spoils wasn’t to Valentine’s liking. When Stuart’s claim went before the U.S District Court on appeal—a standard procedure for most Land Commission decisions—Valentine refiled his original claim, including depositions that spotlighted the weaknesses of Stuart’s claim, including that the Mexican governor’s signature on Ortega’s grant was postdated when the claim was submitted to the Land Commission.

Drawing of Petaluma’s Main Street looking south from Washington Street, 1862 (Sonoma County Library)

In 1857, the District Court upheld Stuart’s claim, after which Valentine filed an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.28 Meanwhile, the town of Petaluma, having grown to a population of 1,300, decided in 1858 to officially incorporate as a city, accepting Stuart’s assurances that his ownership of the rancho would withstand Valentine’s appeals.29

Tustin’s father, an active participant in early civic affairs, was elected to Petaluma’s founding Board of Trustees (city council).30

In 1861, Tustin set off to seek his fortunes in the newly discovered Comstock silver mines of Nevada. Accompanying him were three partners of a wagon-making business in Petaluma—William Zartman, John Fritsch, and Nelson Stafford. The men settled among 4,000 prospectors in the boomtown of Washoe City, just south of Reno, where they invested in mining operations and also constructed a mill for extracting silver ore from quartz they called the Petaluma Quartz Mill.31

Mining boomtown of Washoe City, Nevada, circa 1860s (photo in public domain)

After corporate bankers began assuming control of the Comstock mines and shifting milling operations to company-owned plants, the men sold their interests in 1864 and returned to Petaluma.32

While they were away, Valentine’s persistent court appeals resulted in an 1864 Supreme Court ruling that invalidated both his and Stuart’s claims to the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio, releasing the land into the public domain.33 Under the Preemption Act of 1841, that meant Petaluma residents were granted first right of refusal in purchasing their property from the government at a nominal fee of $1.25 per acre ($21 in today’s currency).34

The large number of claims however presented an bureaucratic bottleneck. Prompted by Petaluma’s predicament, Congress in 1865 passed the General Townsite Bill, which provided for the government to survey and plat a city (for a fee), after which land patents could be easily obtained by citizens for their property.35

A committee of five men, including Tustin, appointed by Petaluma’s Board of Trustees, raised $3,000 ($50,000 in today’s currency) for a government survey of the city.36 Within a year of the survey’s completion, roughly 2,500 people had purchased pre-emptive claims on the 13,000-acre Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio.37

1871 bird’s eye view map of Petaluma (Sonoma County Library)

In 1867, Congress strengthened Petaluma’s position by passing a bill ceding to the city all government-owned land within city limits.38 Valentine however persisted in lobbying Congress for a court review of his claim. Finally, in 1872, he succeeded. Two years later, after favorable review in the Ninth District Court, the case went to the U.S. Supreme Court, who surprisingly approved Valentines’s claim of the rancho.

In lieu of the actual Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio however, Congress stipulated as a condition of the review, that should he be successful, Valentine would be compensated with land scrip that he could be applied toward the purchase of property in the public domain anywhere else in the country. With that, the cloud that had hung over Petaluma since its founding by Keller in 1852, was lifted for good.39

Tustin, meanwhile, had moved on from Petaluma. In 1868, he and his former mining partner, Nelson Stafford, purchased 1,360 acres of the 63,000-acre Rancho Santiago de Santa Ana in Orange County, splitting the property between them.40 Tustin surveyed and platted 100 acres of his half into a new town he called Tustin City.

Tustin City, California, circa 1890s (photo in public domain)

As he had done in Petaluma, Tustin laid out the street grid using numbers and letters as street names. True to his arborist roots, he planted trees throughout the city, leading to its distinction as Southern California’s “City of Trees.”41

Before leaving Petaluma, Tustin sold his residence at Fourth and C streets, along with the rest of the block it sat on, to grain merchant John A. McNear, who constructed an elaborate estate on the site in 1867.42

John A. McNear residence, Fourth and D streets (Petaluma Historical Library & Museum)

Tustin Orchards was split between W.W. Chapman and Ezra Cleveland, who named their respective roads to the property Chapman Lane and Cleveland Lane.

The Tustin Stone Warehouse at B and 2nd streets, which Tustin inherited after his father died in 1863, was purchased by Charles Minturn, owner of the Petaluma & Haystack Landing Railroad, along with the adjacent railroad depot. Following Minturn’s death in 1873, W.D. Bliss purchased the property, renaming it the Bliss Warehouse (site today of Ayawaska Restobar, 101 2nd Street, across from the Great Petaluma Mill).43

Tustin City found soon itself in the middle of the emerging orange belt of Southern California. Tustin’s grand vision for the city however was undermined when Southern Pacific Railroad rejected the city as the site of its southern terminus, choosing nearby Santa Ana instead.

The city of Tustin beside Santa Ana in 1900 Orange County map (public domain)

Consequently, Santa Ana grew into a large city, while Tustin (the “City” was dropped from the name in 1892) remained a relatively small agricultural town. Tustin died in 1883 at the age of 57, reportedly a disappointed man.

Much like in Petaluma, Tustin found itself transformed following World War II into a suburban bedroom community, growing to a current population of 80,000.44

In 1876, the coffin of the potato farmer named Shirley, who Tustin and Keller buried in 1851, was discovered during preparations in Main Street Plaza (Penry Park) for the city’s celebration of America’s centennial. They were respectfully moved to the John McNear’s new cemetery at Cypress Hill.45

Main Street Plaza, 1895, later renamed Hill Plaza Park, and then Penry Park (Sonoma County Library)

*****

Footnotes:

1“Centennial Resurrection,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, March 31, 1876.
2J.P. Munro-Fraser, History of Sonoma County (San Francisco: Alley, Bowen & Co., 1880), pp. 258-259; John Sheehy, “History Mystery Solved,” Petaluma Argus Courier, February 11, 2021.
3“Centennial Resurrection,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, March 31, 1876; Letter regarding Theodore Skillman’s Magnolia Hotel, Petaluma Courier, May 7, 1879.
4Munro-Fraser, pp. 259-260.
5Robert Allan Thompson, Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County, California (Philadelphia: L.H. Everts & Co., 1877), p. 55; Adair Heig, History of Petaluma: A California River Town (Petaluma, CA: Scottwall Associates, 1982), pgs. 21, 29; Henry Miles Moore, “Sketches of the Early Settlement of the City and County of Leavenworth,” Western Life (Leavenworth, KS), August 3, 1900.
5Heig, pgs. 69-70; Munro-Fraser, p. 263; “Early Hunters,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, August 17, 1855; David Wharff letter to A.P. Behrens, dated April 26, 1918, page 18, from personal collection of Lee Torliatt.
7Sonoma County Deed Records, show two grants in 1853 from Columbus Tustin, one to Edward S, Jones, May 16, 1853, and the other to Fred Starkey, August 12, 1853, indicating that he was selling lots; the boundaries of Tustin’s Addition defined in Thos. H. Thompson, Map of Sonoma County, 1877.
8“Goodbye Main Street; It’s Petaluma Boulevard Now,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, August 26, 1958.
9The plaza appears in maps of Petaluma from 1865 and 1871. It was apparently under private ownership until 1873, when I.G. Wickersham sold it to the city of Petaluma; “Miscellaneous,” Petaluma Argus, December 26, 1873. It was renamed apparently by the newly formed Ladies Improvement Club. First newspaper listing under the new name Walnut Park: “Courierlets,” Petaluma Courier, September 22, 1896.
10“Former Resident Here,” Petaluma Courier, May 25, 1904
11“Courierlets,” Petaluma Courier, November 23, 1898.
12Munro-Fraser, p. 350; “Tustin’s Family Traced,” The Tustin News, March 25, 1982.
13Ads for Tustin’s Lumber Yard with the start date of December 18, 1855, first appeared in the Sonoma County Journal December 19, 1856; This was on lot 157, sold in 1870 to Charles Minturn by Columbus Tustin, after Samuel Tustin died in 1873. “Changed Hands,” Petaluma Argus, July 16, 1870; Sonoma County Deeds: Columbus Tustin grantor to Minturn, grantee, June 14, 1870; liber 20, p. 147.
14Heig, p 76.; “Married,” Sacramento Transcript, April 18, 1850; “Mrs. Lewis Called,” Petaluma Argus, February 15, 1900; “Petaluma Old Landmarks Going,” Petaluma Courier, August 2, 1912; “Ed Mannion’s Rear View Mirror” column, Petaluma Argus-Courier, September 14, 1963; Ed Mannion, “Historian Recalls Earlier Incident,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, July 5, 1967.
15“Sixth Annual Fair of the State Agricultural Society,” Sacramento Daily Union, September 22, 1859; “Tustin’s Newly Invented Self-raking and Double-acting reaper and Mower,” California Farmer and Journal of Useful Sciences, September 7, 1860; “Railroad Accident,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, October 30, 1869.
16“Sonoma Co. A&M Society,” Sonoma County Journal, April 22, 1859; “Sonoma County Agricultural Fair,” Daily Alta California, September 3, 1860; “Nursery for Sale,” Sonoma County Journal, October 26, 1860; “Sonoma County Fair,” Petaluma Weekly Argus,” October 3, 1867; “Courierlets,” Petaluma Courier, August 1, 1883.
17Paul W. Gates, “California’s Embattled Settlers,” California Historical Society Quarterly, June, 1962, Vol. 41, No. 2, p. 104.
18Transcript of the legal appeal in the District Court for the Northern District of California of “White vs. The United States,” December Term, 1863; George Tays, “Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo and Sonoma: A Biography and History,” California Historical Society Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3 (Sep., 1937), p. 237.
19“White vs. The United States” transcript; George, Tays, pp. 240-241.
20“White vs. The United States” transcript.
21Robert Lee, “Valentine Scrip,” South Dakota State Historical Society, 1972, pp. 263-264; “Report in the Matter of Juan Miranda,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, February 2, 1865.
22“After the Rogues,” Sonoma County Journal, January 30, 1863; “Supreme Court Decisions, Sacramento Daily Union, April 4, 1860.
23“After the Rogues,” Sonoma County Journal, January 30, 1863.
24Ad for “Office Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio,” Sonoma County Journal, October 27, 1855.
25“Ancient Land History,” Petaluma Courier, November 30, 1912; Tom Gregory, History of Sonoma County, California (Los Angeles: Historic Record Company, 1911), pgs. 433-437.
26“The First Fight of the Lobby,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, February 25, 1863.
27Ad for “Desirable Property for Sale,” Sonoma County Journal, December 24, 1858; Gregory, pgs. 271-272.
28“After the Rogues,” Sonoma County Journal, January 30, 1863.
29Thos. Thompson, p.20.
30Munro-Fraser, p. 284.
31Munro-Fraser, p. 551; “Things at Washoe,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, May 14, 1861; Ad, Sonoma County Journal, April 18, 1862: Stephen Madler and Kelly Tighe lease the carriage firm of Fritsch, Zartman & Co.; “Petaluma Mill,” Gold Hill Daily News, January 4, 1864; Ad, Sonoma County Journal, September 25, 1863: Fritsch & Stafford open wagon shop at old stand on Keller and English, having bought out Zartman; “Thanks,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, August 12, 1863; “Consolidated Gold and Silver Mining Company,” Gold Hill Daily News, November 27, 1863.
32“Washoe City Fades from View,” Northern Nevada Business Weekly, September 10, 2019; “John Fritsch,” Petaluma Courier, June 2, 1902.
33Robert Lee, p. 266; Transcript of the legal appeal in the District Court for the Northern District of California of “White vs. The United States,” December Term, 1863. https://law.resource.org/pub/us/case/reporter/US/68/68.US.660
34“Citizens Lookout,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, December 7, 1865;
The Preemption Act of 1841, 27th Congress, Ch. 16, 5 Stat. 453 (1841) Text of the law, accessed from www.minnesotalegalhistoryproject.org
35“Legislation for California,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, February 16, 1865; “The Miranda Case Defeated,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, April 3, 1865.
36“Settler’s Meeting, Petaluma Weekly Argus, June 23, 1864; Citizens Lookout,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, December 7, 1865.
37“Cause for Rejoicing,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, May 17, 1866; “Opposed to Miranda,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, April 26, 1866.
38Thirty-Ninth Congress Records, Session 2, 1867, page 418. www.loc.gov/law.
39Robert Lee, p. 272.
40“About to Leave Us,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, December 25, 1869.
41“Traces of Tustin’s Founding Family Still Visible in Town,” Orange County Register, August 30, 2012. 42“Former Resident Here,” Petaluma Courier, May 25, 1904.
43“For Sale at Great Bargain,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, May 14, 1868; “Changed Hands,” Petaluma Argus, July 16, 1870; “Local Brevities,” Petaluma Argus, June 7, 1878; “Tustin’s Family Traced,” The Tustin News, March 25, 1982.
44“Tustin History,” Tustin Area Historical Society, https://www.tustinhistory.com/tustin-history.htm; “Bill Soberanes Column,” Petaluma Argus-Courier, June 29, 1974.
45“Centennial Resurrection,” Petaluma Weekly Argus, March 31, 1876.

Petaluma Homesteading (Petaluma Granjas)

(Spanish translation provided by Petaluma Historical Library & Museum)

By the time of Petaluma’s founding in 1851, homesteading had become quite common in the American West, thanks to the Preemption Act of 1841. Under the act, a squatter was permitted to purchase up to 160 acres of any land he found in the public domain, assuming he had either resided on the land for at least 14 months or made agricultural improvements to it for five years.

En el momento de la fundación de Petaluma en 1851, las granjas se habían vuelto bastante comunes en el Oeste americano, gracias a la Ley de Prevención de Derechos de 1841. En virtud de esa ley, un ocupante ilegal fue se le permitió comprar hasta 160 acres de cualquier terreno que encontrara en el dominio público, asumiendo que había residido en la tierra durante al menos 14 meses o había hecho agricultura mejoras a la misma durante cinco años.

But early settlers in California, most of them failed gold miners, discovered that the land most coveted for farming and ranching was not available in the public domain, but privately held in Mexican land grants. That included Sonoma County, which was made up of 26 land grants. Thanks to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848, which brought an end to the Mexican-American War, those grants were legally protected under U.S. law. At least they appeared to be.

Pero los primeros colonos en California, la mayoría de ellos mineros de oro fracasados, descubrieron que la tierra más codiciado para la agricultura y la ganadería no estaba disponible en el dominio público, pero propiedad privada en mercedes de tierras mexicanas. Eso incluyó el condado de Sonoma, que se hizo hasta 26 mercedes de tierras. Gracias al Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo de 1848, que trajo con el fin de la guerra entre México y Estados Unidos, esas subvenciones estaban legalmente protegidas por los ley. Al menos parecían estarlo.

In 1851, Congress passed the California Land Act, which subjected all Mexican land grant claims, some of which were sketchy, incomplete, or outright fraudulent, to a legal review by the California Land Commission. Two-thirds of their decisions were then challenged in a court of appeals.

En 1851, el Congreso aprobó la Ley de Tierras de California, que sometió a todas las tierras mexicanas otorgar reclamaciones, algunas de las cuales eran incompletas, incompletas o rotundamente fraudulentas, a un revisión por la Comisión de Tierras de California. Dos tercios de sus decisiones fueron entonces impugnado en un tribunal de apelaciones.

The original grant holders, many of them land rich but cash poor, found themselves subjected to a laborious and costly legal process that, on average, lasted 17 years. They also faced the added burden of California’s property taxes, which became an incentive to either intensively cultivate the land or subdivide it. As a result, many grant holders were forced to sell out to their Yankee lawyers or American speculators.

Los titulares de subvenciones originales, muchos de ellos ricos en tierras pero pobres en efectivo, se encontraron sometidos a un laborioso y costoso proceso legal que, en promedio, duró 17 años. Ellos también enfrentó la carga adicional de los impuestos a la propiedad de California, que se convirtió en un incentivo para cultivar intensamente la tierra o subdividirla. Como resultado, muchos becarios fueron obligados a venderse a sus abogados yanquis o especuladores estadounidenses.

The land grant battles were intensified by a huge influx of American settlers following the Gold Rush. In 1850, the U.S. census for Sonoma County counted only 500 people. By 1860 that number had grown to almost 12,000 and, by 1870, 20,000.

Las batallas de concesión de tierras se intensificaron por una gran afluencia de colonos estadounidenses que siguieron la fiebre del oro. En 1850, el censo de Estados Unidos. Para el condado de Sonoma contaba solo a 500 personas. Por en 1860 ese número había aumentado a casi 12.000 y, en 1870, a 20.000.

The new settlers were faced with two choices: either buy land from a Mexican grant holder, risking that his title might be assigned to another claimant in years to come, or squat on the land without permission in hopes the claim would be thrown out and land placed in the public domain, allowing them to establish preemptive rights to the property.

Los nuevos colonos se enfrentaron a dos opciones: comprar tierras de una subvención Mexicana titular, arriesgándose a que su título pueda ser asignado a otro reclamante en los próximos años, o ponerse en cuclillas en la tierra sin permiso con la esperanza de que el reclamo sea descartado y aterrice colocados en el dominio público, lo que les permite establecer derechos de preferencia sobre la propiedad.

The latter strategy was used to establish the town of Petaluma, which sat at the northern tip of a 13,000-acre land grant known as the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio. In 1851, a brazen gold miner from Missouri, George H. Keller, made his own claim to 158 acres of the grant. With the help of two surveyors, he laid out the streets and lot lines for a new town he called Petaluma. Opening up a real estate office by the river, Keller sold the lots to unsuspecting new settlers before returning home to Missouri with his ill-gotten gains.

Esta última estrategia se utilizó para establecer la ciudad de Petaluma, que se encontraba en el norte punta de una concesión de tierra de 13,000 acres conocida como el Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio. En 1851, un el descarado minero de oro de Missouri, George H. Keller, hizo su propio reclamo de 158 acres de la subvención. Con la ayuda de dos topógrafos, trazó las calles y las líneas de lote para un nuevo pueblo que llamó Petaluma. Al abrir una oficina de bienes raíces junto al río, Keller vendió los lotes a nuevos colonos desprevenidos antes de regresar a casa en Missouri con sus ganancias mal habidas.

It would take the courts 20 years to sort out the town’s tangled legal ownership, as the land grant got caught up in a marathon legal battle between competing claimants.

Los tribunales tardarían 20 años en resolver la propiedad legal enredada de la ciudad, ya que la concesión de tierras quedó atrapada en una batalla legal maratónica entre demandantes en competencia.

In the spring of 1859, Petaluma settlers formed a chapter of the Settlers’ League to ferret out crooked land sharks. As a group, they pledged not to purchase property held in any of the county’s land grants until the titles of those grants were legally “settled and reliable.”

En la primavera de 1859, los colonos de Petaluma formaron un capítulo de la Liga de Colonos para hurgar tiburones terrestres torcidos. Como grupo, se comprometieron a no comprar propiedades en ninguno de los concesiones de tierras del condado hasta que los títulos de esas concesiones fueran legalmente “establecidos y confiables.”

Their efforts came to a head later that summer with the “Bodega War,” when 80 armed league members were dispatched to the town of Bodega to defend 48 settlers being evicted by a land grant claimant and 40 armed hirelings from San Francisco. The claimant backed down.

Sus esfuerzos llegaron a un punto crítico más tarde ese verano, cuando 80 miembros de la liga armada fueron enviado al pueblo de Bodega para defender a 48 colonos desalojados por una merced de tierra reclamante y 40 mercenarios armados de San Francisco. El reclamante se echó atrás.

Tensions escalated again in the summer of 1862, when Sheriff J.M. Bowles of Petaluma was dispatched to the Healdsburg area to serve eviction notices on squatters. Anticipating trouble, he brought with him a posse comitatus of 300 largely unarmed men. They were met in Healdsburg by 50 armed and determined members of the Settlers’ League, who shot and killed a member of the sheriff’s posse. Two months later, the governor ordered Sheriff Bowles to return to Healdsburg with the Emmet Rifles and Petaluma Guard, Petaluma’s Union militias, who succeeded in peacefully evicting the squatters.

Las tensiones aumentaron de nuevo en el verano de 1862, cuando el sheriff J.M. Bowles de Petaluma fue enviado al área de Healdsburg para entregar avisos de desalojo a ocupantes ilegales. Anticipando problemas, trajo consigo una pandilla comitatus de 300 hombres en gran parte desarmados. Ellos eran reunido en Healdsburg por 50 miembros armados y decididos de la Liga de Colonos, que disparó y mató a un miembro de la pandilla del sheriff. Dos meses después, el gobernador ordenó el sheriff Bowles regresará a Healdsburg con los rifles Emmet y Petaluma Guard, la milicia de la Unión de Petaluma, que logró desalojar pacíficamente a los ocupantes ilegales.

It wasn’t until the 1870s that the legal status of all land grant claims, including Petaluma’s, were finally settled.

No fue hasta la década de 1870 que el estado legal de todas las reclamaciones de concesión de tierras, incluso de Petaluma, finalmente se resolvió.

*****

SOURCES (FUENTES)

Books

Samuel Cassiday, An Illustrated History of Sonoma County, California (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1889).
LeBaron, Blackman, Mitchell, Hansen, Santa Rosa: A Nineteenth Century Town
(Historia, Ltd., 1985).
Adair Heig, History of Petaluma: A California River Town (Petaluma, CA: Scottwall
Associates, 1982).
Harvey J. Hansen and Jeanne Thurlow Miller, Wild Oats in Eden (Santa Rosa, CA,
1962).

Newspapers
Petaluma Argus: “Letter from the Seat of War,” July 16, 1862; “The Settlers’ Troubles Happily Terminated,” October 1, 1862.
Sacramento Daily Bee: “Land Difficulties in Sonoma,” July 19, 1862.
Sonoma County Journal: “The Bodega Difficulty,” June 3, 1859; “The Healdsburg War,” July 18, 1862.

How Petaluma’s Founder Saved Abraham Lincoln

The north front of the White House, 1861 (photo White House Historical Association)

On April 12, 1861, five weeks after moving into the White House, Abraham Lincoln found himself stranded in the nation’s capital. Railroad tracks leading into the city had been torn up, bridges burned, telegraph lines severed. Across the Potomac River, a seditious mob gathered to either kidnap him or hang him from a tree on the South Lawn.

Army units protecting the capital had been dispatched to the western frontier by the previous administration, just before Lincoln’s arrival. What military remained consisted of clerks, ceremonial guards, and a military band, none of whom had fighting experience.

When news reached the capital that day that Confederates had fired upon Fort Sumter in South Carolina, the Union residents of D.C., surrounded by the slave states of Virginia and Maryland and anticipating an imminent siege, began fleeing the city.

In desperation, Lincoln turned to a group of battle-experienced office seekers staying at the Willard Hotel a block from the White House. Among them was Petaluma’s founder, George Horine Keller.  

Keller and Lincoln had met the previous year, when Keller helped escort Lincoln during his five-day visit to Leavenworth, Kansas, the city Keller co-founded shortly after establishing Petaluma.

Like Lincoln, Keller was born in Kentucky. At age 12, he enlisted to fight in the War of 1812, but was rejected because of his youth. After operating an inn in Indiana, he settled down for 15 years with his family on a farm in Weston, Missouri, before catching gold rush fever and setting off in 1850 for California.

Striking out in the gold mines, Keller found his way to a meat hunters’ encampment at the headwaters of the Petaluma Creek, where he opened a makeshift store and overnight lodge for disappointed miners like himself. Many came searching for land to homestead, only to be thwarted by California’s Mexican land grants.

In the fall of 1851, a group of frustrated settlers encouraged Keller to illegally claim 158 acres at the northern tip of a 13,000-acre land grant known as the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio. Hiring a surveyor, he platted and subdivided 40 acres of his claim into a town he called Petaluma, selling off the lots to land-hungry settlers.

1855 map of Petaluma (photo Sonoma County Library)

In 1853, Keller returned to Weston, Missouri, leaving behind a town built on fraudulent land deeds, which, along with a protracted court battle over the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio land grant, would leave Petaluma on shaky legal ground for the next 20 years.

When Kansas Territory opened for settlement in 1854, Keller and a handful of partners from Weston formed a development company to create Leavenworth, the territory’s first town, along the Missouri River.

As was the case in Petaluma, Keller and company squatted on land they didn’t own—in this case, land held by the Delaware Indian tribe—with plans to subdivide it, reap the rewards, and address the legal consequences down the road (which they eventually did, settling with the Delawares).

Two days before the Leavenworth Town Company began auctioning off town lots, Keller and his son-in-law A.T. Kyle opened the town’s first hotel, The Leavenworth House, to a full house of land buyers.

Ad for Keller’s Leavenworth House in the Leavenworth Herald, October 13, 1854

Or so they thought. It quickly became clear most of their guests were activists from Missouri, more interested in establishing residency for voting purposes in Leavenworth than actually living there.

The seeds of the influx were planted in the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which left it to territory residents to determine whether to eventually become a free or a slave territory.

Authored by Stephen Douglas, a Democratic senator from Illinois looking to boost his presidential prospects, the act overturned the Missouri Compromise of 1820 which banned slavery above the latitude of Missouri’s southern border.

Enraged by the act, abolitionists formed the Republican Party to stop the further spread of slavery. Lincoln, who had returned to legal practice after serving a term in the U.S. House of Representatives, was so incensed he decided to reenter politics to run against Douglas in the next senate election.

Leavenworth rapidly turned into a hotbed of electoral fraud, assaults, and murders, in a violent struggle between pro- and anti-slavery factions known as “Bleeding Kansas.”

Kansas Territory abolitionist militia (Jayhawkers), 1858 (Photo Kansas Historical Society)

An abolitionist, Keller turned his hotel into a popular gathering place for militant “Free-Staters” known as “Jayhawkers,” as well as part of the network providing refuge to escaped slaves on the Underground Railroad, making him a target of the “Border Ruffians,” a pro-slave militia openly assaulting Free-Staters on the streets, in their homes, and at public meetings.

Shortly after fending off 20 armed Border Ruffians one night at his hotel, Keller was taken prisoner and confined to a blockhouse in Weston, before eventually escaping to safety in Nebraska Territory.

In 1856, after most of the partisan violence had been quelled, Keller returned to Leavenworth to find Border Ruffians had taken over his hotel. He quickly built a new hotel, the Mansion House. Dubbed “Abolition Hill” by pro-slavers, it soon became the local Free-Staters headquarters.

Leavenworth, Kansas, 1867 (photo courtesy of Legends of America)

Among his allies in town, the amiable Keller acquired the fond moniker “Uncle George” for resourcefulness and generosity—“the husband of all the widows and the father of all the orphans.” In 1857, he was elected to the first Kansas Territorial Legislature, which created a constitution establishing Kansas as a free territory.

Their request for statehood was blocked by Southern legislators in Congress until January 1861, when enough Southern states seceded from the Union to override the blockage. On April 4, 1861, Kansans elected James H. Lane as one of their first U.S. senators.

James Henry Lane, U.S. Senator from Kansas, 1861 (photo Library of Congress)

A lawyer known for electrifying oration, the daring and flamboyant Lane was a close colleague of Keller. He was also a Mexican War hero, and had commanded the Free State militia during “Bleeding Kansas,” ruthlessly and cunningly out maneuvering much larger pro-slaver forces.

Lane befriended Lincoln during Lincoln’s visit to Leavenworth in 1859, a year after his senate race against Douglas. Despite Lincoln’s defeat, his debates with Douglas—in which Lincoln argued that the fundamental rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness triumphed over Douglas’ advocacy of states’ rights for institutions like slavery—elevated him to the national stage.

Postage stamp commemorating the 1858 debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas durung the U.S. Senate race (image in public domain)

By the time of Lincoln’s visit, Leavenworth had grown to 10,000 residents, making it the largest city between St. Louis and San Francisco. Lincoln used the city as a focus group for a speech he was planning to deliver two months later at the Cooper Union in New York City, an event that would launch his campaign for the presidency.

After Lane’s election to the senate, Keller accompanied him and dozens of former Free State militia veterans to Washington to lobby President Lincoln for commissions in the Union army or federal appointments back home. Most of them checked into the Willard Hotel, just down the street from the White House.

On April 17, 1861, five days after the attack on Fort Sumter, Lincoln received reliable intelligence that Confederates across the Potomac River in Virginia were preparing to march on Washington. He immediately summoned Senator Lane to the Oval Office, and asked him to assemble an armed militia of his Kansas colleagues to defend the White House.

Lincoln in his White House office (photo White House Historical Association)

Back at the Willard, Lane formed the Frontier Guard of Kansas, ultimately comprising of 115 members of his former militia, including Keller. They marched in formation down the street to the White House, where they set up camp in the East Room, arming themselves with crates of pistols, rifles, bayonets, and ammunition.

Mounting a propaganda campaign, Lane spread rumors throughout D.C. that the Frontier Guard was more than 1,000-men strong and planning a counter attack on the Confederate stronghold across the river. For ten tenuous days, the Frontier Guard defended Lincoln in the White House until Union troops were able to break through the Confederate blockade.  

Frontier Guard of Kansas on South Lawn of the White House, April 1861 (photo Library of Congress)

Lincoln thanked each of the guard members personally for having saved the government from overthrow. The guard returned to Kansas, where they formed the nucleus of two Union companies during the Civil War.

Keller assumed command of Leavenworth’s “Old Guard,” protecting the city from Confederate forces. A year after the war ended, the Kansas governor rewarded him for his service by appointing him the first warden of the Kansas State Penitentiary.

Keller died on his farm outside Leavenworth in 1876, two years after the legal battle over the Rancho Arroyo de San Antonio land grant, on which he had founded Petaluma, was finally settled.

*****

A version of this story appeared in the Petaluma Argus-Courier

SOURCES:

Books, Magazines, Journals

Samuel Cassiday, Pen Pictures From the Garden of the World, An Illustrated History of Sonoma County (The Lewis Publishing Co., Chicago, 1889), pp. 109-114.

William Connelley, editor, A Standard History of Kansas and Kansans, Volume 14 (Chicago: Lewis, 1918), pp. 1209-1210; Frank M. Gable, “The Kansas Penitentiary,” p. 379.

Jelani Cobb, “How Parties Die,” New Yorker, March 15, 2020.

William G. Cutler, History of the State of Kansas (Chicago: A.T. Andreas, 1883).

Adair Heig, History of Petaluma: A California River Town (Petaluma, CA: Scottwall Associates, 1982), p. 29.

David Hornbeck, “The Patenting of California’s Private Land Claims, 1851-1885,” Geographical Review, Vol. 69, No. 4 (Oct., 1979), pp. 434-448.

Jesse A. Hall and Leroy T. Hand, History of Leavenworth County, Kansas (Topeka, Kansas: Historical Publishing Company,1921), pp. 116-123.

George W. Martin, editor, “Territorial Legislature of 1857-58: George Horine Keller,” Kansas Historical Society Collection, Vol. 10, 1907-1908, p. 211.

James McClure, editor, Abraham Lincoln’s Stories and Speeches (Chicago: Rhodes & McClure Publishing Company, 1908), p. 111.

Henry Miles Moore, “Sketches of the Early Settlement of the City and County of Leavenworth,” Western Life (Leavenworth, KS), August 3, 1900.

Henry Miles Moore, Early History of Leavenworth, City and County (Samuel Dodsworth Book Co., Leavenworth, KS, 1906), pgs. 21, 24, 56, 86, 103, 123-127, 147, 161, 171.

James P. Muehlberger, The 116: The True Story of Abraham Lincoln’s Lost Guard (Ankerwycke, 2015). 

J.P. Munro-Fraser, History of Sonoma County (San Francisco: Alley, Bowen & Co., 1880), p. 131, pp. 259-262.

Donald J. Pisani, “Squatter Law in California, 1850-1858,” Western Historical Quarterly, Autumn, 1994, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 277-310.

Robert Allan Thompson, Historical and Descriptive Sketch of Sonoma County, California (Philadelphia: L.H. Everts & Co., 1877), pp. 53-54.

Websites

“Guarding the White House,” The White House Historical Association, whitehousehistory.org
https://www.whitehousehistory.org/press-room/press-timelines/guarding-the-white-house

“1851, March 3 – 09 Stat. 631, Act to Settle Private Land Claims in California,” US Government Legislation and Statutes. https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/hornbeck_usa_2_d/7

Newspapers

Leavenworth Bulletin: “The Flag Still Waves (Election results),” November 4, 1863; “Lane Pays His Own Expenses,” August 3, 1864.

Leavenworth Times: “The Old Guard,” July 31, 1861; “Official Vote of Leavenworth County,” November 10, 1861;”Kyle’s Reminiscence of Early Border Life,” January 11, 1902; “The Planters House Is a Monument to Exciting Past,” February 25, 1940; “Lincoln’s Visit to the First City of Kansas,” February 14, 2018.

National Republican (D.C): “The Military Movements Yesterday,” April 20, 1861; “Gen. James H. Lane’s Company,” April 24, 1861; “The Frontier Guard,” April 27, 1861; “Visit to the Capital,” April 29, 1861.